Chapter 25: The German Revolution - The Worst Enemy
February 1919.
I was hiding in Berlin, but even a child could tell that something was amiss. The atmosphere in the city, and indeed throughout Germany, was tense and volatile.
News from the front lines had vanished from the newspapers. Yet whispers of what was happening trickled back to Berlin: the German Army had advanced to the outskirts of Paris, but supply shortages and logistical problems had forced them into retreat. Even soldiers on the front lines were beginning to disobey orders and mutiny.
The second piece of news was undeniable good fortune. To seize this opportunity, our efforts were needed.
"It would be effective to emphasize that the Social Democratic Party, which supported the war in 1914, are war supporters. If they come to power, they will label the Communists as enemies and attempt to ignite another 'war within'."
The Socialist forces in Germany could be broadly divided into three groups.
First was the largest and most conservative German Social Democratic Party. Opposed to armed revolution, these reformists were considered the greatest obstacle to the Revolution.
Second was the Independent Social Democratic Party, which broke away from the Social Democratic Party in opposition to its pro-war stance. In Russian terms, they were the equivalent of the Mensheviks.
Finally, there was the Spartacus League, the far-left faction within the Independent Social Democratic Party. Advocating armed revolution and claiming to be the true heirs of Marxism, they were the German equivalent of the Bolsheviks.
If I remember correctly, the Social Democratic Party (SDP) led the Weimar Republic after its establishment. In other words, the SDP was a clear target for overthrow.
However, considering how long the Weimar Republic lasted, it would be difficult to expect the SDP to make the same level of blunders as Kerensky.
If that were the case, it could be said that to succeed in the revolution, we necessarily needed the support of Germany's Mensheviks—the Independent Social Democratic Party (USPD).
But even within the USPD, there were those who opposed armed revolution.
"That's why we formed the Spartacus League," Karl Liebknecht explained to me.
"The USPD hypocrites claim to follow true Marxism while rejecting a proletarian revolution. We believed that staying with them would prevent us from achieving anything, so we created the Spartacus League as an internal organization."
I fully understood why the Independent Social Democratic Party opposed an armed revolution. The risks were simply too high, just like the reason the Mensheviks opposed it.
Even though I knew the Russian Revolution succeeded, I also knew the German Communist Revolution had failed before it even had a chance to take root. That said it all.
It was such a low-probability gamble and an incredibly difficult task.
But since we had decided to bet on the Soviet Union, we had to make it succeed.
"Sigh... For now, I believe isolating the Social Democratic Party should be our priority. The right-wing will try to ally with the relatively moderate SDP to stop us, so driving a wedge between them should be our first move."
In reality, the SDP, having allied with the right-wing, would have crushed the Spartacus League.
Just as Kornilov had attempted to overthrow Kerensky in Russia, we needed to drive a wedge between these two factions and push their relationship to its breaking point.
What would be the easiest way to achieve this?
Whether we could devise this strategy would likely determine the success or failure of the revolution.
Even if we managed to split them, it would be meaningless if the armed revolution was crushed by the right-wing's superior military force.
But upon reflection, wasn't there one powerful force that could intervene in the future German Civil War—and even support us?
I began sending a telegram to Moscow.
The Soviet-Polish War.
If Soviet Russia won that conflict, it would have sufficient resources to support the German Revolution.
Knock, knock. Knock.
Maria Romanova cautiously tapped on the door marked "People's Commissar for Military Affairs."
"Come in."
A deep male voice called out from inside, and Maria slowly opened the door.
Behind it stood a bespectacled man with a goatee.
Maria had always feared this man, Leon Trotsky.
Though his eyes, peering through the glasses, seemed to pierce her very soul, she couldn't discern his thoughts.
But he held the power to order the execution of her and her entire family tomorrow, didn't he?
Maria thought that if Trotsky weren't Comrade Siyoung's comrade, she would never have dared to meet him.
"Did you summon me, Comrade?"
Maria greeted him politely, and Trotsky nodded, took the telegram, and unfolded it.
"A telegram from Berlin. It's from Comrade Siyoung. I've already read it, so you don't need to give it back. Besides, it's all about future events anyway."
The moment Maria heard it was from Comrade Siyoung, she snatched the telegram from him.
She hadn't received a single letter from him since he left for Moscow.
She wondered if he was simply too busy, but her worry that he might be dead kept surfacing first.
[ The German Revolution requires military support. This can be resolved by fighting Poland after the Great War. If the Great War ends, immediately redeploy your troops westward. That's the only way. P.S.: I'm still alive. ]
"Is this all?"
"Of course. What did you expect from a telegram? They charge extra if it's any longer."
Maria was stunned.
She had rushed over, thinking Comrade Siyoung had sent her a letter, only to find this utterly impersonal telegram.
Seeing her obvious disappointment, Trotsky chuckled as if she were being ridiculous.
"Well then, did you expect a love letter from Berlin? Wake up! Comrade Siyoung is currently engaged in a critical mission that could shape the future of Russia. He doesn't have time to waste on sentimental drivel for you."
"N-no, I never thought that!" Maria replied, her face flushing.
A love letter? Does he still think I'm a little girl like Nastya?
Maria forced herself to calm down, telling herself that she had rushed over simply because she was curious about whether Comrade Siyoung was still alive.
"Well, since I went to all this trouble to get you here, what do you make of the telegram?"
"Huh?"
"As the Secretary of the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, I'm asking for your opinion on this telegram. You've been serving as Secretary for several months now, right? You should be able to understand content like this."
Maria stammered. "I... I've just been doing what I'm told..."
"Let's start with this: Didn't Comrade Siyoung go to Germany to participate in the German Revolution?"
"That's right."
"Then... um... it seems like you're saying we need to attack Poland in order to succeed in the German Revolution..."
"Why do you think Comrade Siyoung believed we should attack Poland? We must consider this point."
Trotsky asked Maria as he poured her a cup of tea.
This was always something Maria used to do for him, so receiving the gesture in reverse made her feel awkward.
"Isn't it because Poland is adjacent to Germany? If we eliminate... Poland, we'll share a border with Germany, and it'll be easier to provide support."
"That's the primary reason. What about the secondary reason?"
While Maria hesitated, Trotsky spoke.
"We're currently fighting a civil war and at war with the Allied Powers. Under these circumstances, opening a new front would be practically impossible. It would even be suicidal. But since Comrade Siyoung, one of the people who understands the current situation in Russia best, has said this, it clearly means we need to go to war."
"Then... what do you think the reason is?"
Trotsky stared into the distance for a moment before speaking.
"If we don't act now, we'll never get another chance."
"What... what opportunity are you talking about?"
"The opportunity to reclaim the territories we've lost, overturn the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, turn Germany red, and ultimately launch the World Revolution."
Trotsky answered resolutely.
"The world is on the eve of a storm. Germany's defeat is inevitable, and the moment it surrenders, the system Bismarck meticulously built over the past fifty years will crumble. The power dynamics in Germany itself, across Europe, and ultimately worldwide will be shaken."
"If we miss this opportunity..."
"Exactly. If we fail to red the Germany and seize Eastern Europe at this critical juncture when global politics are rapidly shifting, a second chance for us may never come. It's likely impossible until a second Great War erupts on this continent."
Maria now thought she was beginning to grasp what Trotsky was trying to say.
In the end, the time has come to strike Poland and "redify" Germany.
"This means we must act swiftly. We can win the civil war at any time. Our main task is to crush the remaining forces through the Siberian tundra. The crucial thing is to seize the valuable territories in the West—Ukraine, the Baltics, Poland—even if we have to sacrifice the Eastern Front, and to succeed in the German Revolution."
"Then did Comrade Siyoung consider all this before sending this telegram?"
Trotsky hesitated for a moment.
Did Siyeong Lee really think all this through before sending the telegram?
Or was it just his overactive imagination?
"I can't say for sure. But given our current situation, it's reasonable to assume he had these reasons in mind. In any case, his proposal fits our current circumstances perfectly."
Maria nodded cautiously. It was a bit difficult, but she roughly understood.
In the end, it meant that since this was the only opportunity they had, they had to start the war now.
"Very well. If you hear anything from Comrade Siyoung, please keep me informed. Thank you."
Trotsky stared intently at the nineteen-year-old girl before him.
Then he asked her:
"Let me ask again, what exactly is the relationship between you two?"
"Um... excuse me?"
"At first, I thought Comrade Siyoung was interested in... Comrade Anastasia... But now it seems there's some kind of... connection between you two, isn't there?"
Maria's face flushed as quickly as a Hongdangmu flower.
"Ah, no, it's nothing like that. We're just... boss and secretary."
"And that's where most romantic relationships begin. It's alright, you can be honest. Socialism tolerates all forms of free love."
Maria pursed her lips, hesitating for a moment before shaking her head vigorously.
"No, nothing like that has ever happened."
"Then I should assume you have no romantic feelings for Comrade Siyoung?"
"T-That..."
Trotsky chuckled.
They're all the same—equally dishonest.
"Enough joking. If you truly have romantic feelings for Comrade Siyoung, you should confess as soon as possible. What's the real sticking point? Is it because he's Asian?"
Maria hesitated for a moment before reluctantly nodding.
"Don't worry too much about such things. After all, Comrade Stalin, who is from Georgia, is dating Comrade Nadezhda Alliluyeva, who is of German descent."
"R-really?"
"Absolutely. And if you marry Comrade Siyoung, the Romanov family will become the family of a revolutionary son-in-law. This could elevate your position in the newly established Soviet Russia, making you more forgiving. There's no reason for you to hesitate."
Maria felt a chill run down her spine.
It was deeply unsettling that Trotsky, who had recently been advocating for the swift execution of the Romanovs, including herself, had suddenly become an advocate for her marriage to this man.
But upon reflection, wasn't there a grain of truth in Trotsky's words?
Then the thought arose: Perhaps I could open my heart a little more.
Of course, if he were to return.
"I... understand, Comrade Trotsky. Then I'll take my leave now."
"You could have stayed a little longer, but... you're gone."
Trotsky tried to stop her, but she fled quickly, as if embarrassed, and he let her go.
Sipping his cold tea, he muttered to himself:
"Well, it's not like I have anything to lose anyway."
Both Joseph Stalin and Siyeong Lee shared a fatal flaw: they were Asian.
Therefore, Trotsky believed that the likelihood of either becoming the supreme leader of Russia was practically nil.
By marrying into the Romanov family—a yoke that wasn't really a yoke—he could become a chess piece that could be used comfortably, and he would suffer no loss.
"I couldn't prove his weakness, so I don't need to feel guilty. His abilities are useful enough."
Trotsky mulled over his earlier words.
He had told Siyeong to make friends to some extent, and to build power to some extent.
To be honest, he still felt a strong aversion to making "friends" on equal footing.
In all of Russia, who else could be considered his equal as a revolutionary besides Lenin?
But creating subordinates posed no problem.
"Comrade Siyeong, I'll do as you ask."
Trotsky began to move.