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Chapter 30 - Chapter 30: The German Revolution - Forward, Free Corps!

: The German Revolution - Forward, Free Corps!

The election results on April 6, 1919, plunged all of Germany into a cauldron of shock and terror. Naturally, the workers and soldiers who supported the Independent Social Democratic Party (USPD) cheered the outcome.

Friedrich Ebert, elected as Germany's first president, immediately severed the coalition with the USPD and announced a grand coalition government with the Center Party and the German Democratic Party from the quiet Thuringian city of Weimar.

This marked the beginning of the so-called "Weimar Coalition."

The USPD, which had once been confined to a corner of the SDP headquarters, had now become the largest opposition party. Members of the Spartacus League could now openly criticize the government from the parliamentary podium.

But the government's real concern wasn't the USPD.

"There's no longer any reason to cooperate with the incompetent Social Democratic Party. We're leaving the Freikorps and will fight the Reds through our own independent militia."

This sentiment came from the Junkers of the east and the former military clique they supported.

Having been in an uncomfortable alliance with the Social Democratic Party, they severed ties after the party's electoral defeat and formed a new quasi-military organization called the Steel Helmet.

The Social Democratic Party, meanwhile, also concluded there was no reason to maintain the Freikorps and established its own independent quasi-military group, the Black-Red-Gold National Flag League, to act independently.

The reactionary organizations opposing the Proletarian Revolution were fracturing.

And the appointment of a new Defense Minister poured oil on these divisions.

"All illegal anti-state organizations currently in existence must immediately dissolve and report themselves by April 15, 1919. Non-compliance will result in forced dissolution."

Gustav Noske, the newly appointed Minister of Defense, was determined not to tolerate the activities of these quasi-military groups.

"What about all we've done for the Republic? You can't just dissolve us! We'll never accept such a dictatorial order!"

"Then you'll be forcibly dissolved. The government has concluded that it can no longer tolerate forces plotting to undermine the Republic's stability and order through a coup. Either disband voluntarily or be dissolved by force. It's one or the other."

The government's aggressive stance toward the right-wing groups stemmed from the belief that even if Wilhelm Groener withdrew his support for the SDP, the military would still help suppress a military coup.

Regardless, the Steel Helmet concluded that they could delay their uprising no longer.

"The current government is humiliating and denigrating the soldiers who defended the nation for five years during the war. The Steel Helmet can no longer tolerate this tyranny and has resolved to rise up to defend the freedom and justice of Germany."

"Long live General Ludendorff! Long live Germany!"

The Steel Helmet rallied around Erich Ludendorff, their spiritual leader, and Walther von Lüttwitz, the practical leader of the uprising.

Meanwhile, the SDP remained defiant. Wilhelm Groener confirmed his loyalty to the Republic, which reassured Ebert.

I, along with the Spartacus League, were closely observing this situation.

"When two imperialists force fight, we always benefit."

I recalled Trotsky's words from a previous conversation.

"But if it seems the Steel Helmet will win, we must temporarily support the Republic. In Russia, when Kornilov attempted his coup, the Bolsheviks helped the Kerensky Government suppress the rebellion. Thanks to that, we were able to build our influence across the country."

And when the Kerensky Government lost the means to prevent the Bolsheviks' armed uprising, it crumbled helplessly during the October Revolution.

"In other words, you're saying we should support the Republic if the Ufa initiate a civil war?"

"Exactly. If the right wing wins, the possibility of a Communist Revolution will be all but eliminated. We must preserve the Republic for now in order to spark the Revolution later."

Even if the Ufa won the civil war, and setting aside the possibility of Allied Powers intervention, we must consider that no revolution occurred in historical Nazi Germany.

In other words, the risks were simply too great.

It would be better to maintain the Republic and then launch a revolution later. This was the model solution, and it had succeeded in Russia.

Regardless of whatever schemes we were hatching, the conflict between the government and the Steel Helmet remained unresolved by the government's self-imposed deadline of April 15.

On April 15, 1919, the Republican Government issued a sweeping arrest order against key members and troops of the Steel Helmet, marking the start of the war.

At the same time, the Steel Helmet staged a coup at the Weimar National Theater, claiming it was suppressing a "Spartacus League rebellion."

The curtain had risen on the so-called "April Coup."

The Republic began to crumble at an astonishing speed.

"The National Army has refused the request to suppress this coup. They claim they can't point their guns at fellow soldiers..."

"Damn it! Then who exactly is the National Army loyal to?"

Contrary to the government's expectations, the German Armed Forces refused to intervene in the crisis. It seemed they had been tipped off in advance, as General Wilhelm Groener had already submitted his resignation and retired from the military just before the coup.

Hans von Seeckt, the new Chief of Staff of the National Army, answered calmly:

"The army is loyal to me."

In eastern Germany, where the Junkers still wielded considerable power—regions like East Prussia, Silesia, and Pomerania—the coup forces were received with fervent enthusiasm.

The Freikorps, now the Black-Red-Gold National Flag League, lost a massive force in the blink of an eye when the Steel Helmet faction defected. Left reeling, they rapidly lost control of German territory.

On April 16, 1919, just a day after the coup, Berlin fell to the Rebel Army.

The government was forced to flee Berlin and take refuge in Braunschweig in the west.

"At this moment, we declare General Erich Ludendorff as President of the Republic and General Wolfgang Kapp as Prime Minister! We proclaim that the Ebert Government has been overthrown, and that the only legitimate government of Germany is the Ludendorff Cabinet!"

By this point, the leaders of the Independent Social Democratic Party and the Spartacus League had slipped out of the Reichstag and were lying low. If captured by the Steel Helmet, they would have been executed without mercy.

But underground, every action was progressing smoothly according to plan.

"We've made contact with the Braunschweig government. They've promised to pursue a reformation of the coalition government with the Independent Social Democratic Party if the Spartacus League assists the Republic in suppressing the Rebel Army."

"Perfect. How far along is the preparation for the General Strike?"

"We've successfully sent telegrams to the Councils across the country, evading the Steel Helmet's surveillance. The General Strike will be carried out on April 18th in areas controlled by the Steel Helmet."

I smiled with satisfaction. There's nothing quite like the satisfaction of seeing everything unfold exactly as planned.

As long as the Steel Helmet failed to completely infiltrate the National Army and police, the General Strike would inevitably be powerless. Moreover, what if the production of ammunition and other weapons suddenly ground to a halt?

The Coup Forces would inevitably collapse.

The General Strike was the most powerful weapon for workers to support the Republic and bring down the Rebel Army.

And if we were to topple the Rebel Army through our own strength, popular support for the Independent Social Democratic Party would surge, and the likelihood of revolution would increase dramatically.

Under normal circumstances, a Communist Revolution would have been practically impossible. But the self-inflicted chaos sown by the right-wing had accelerated its momentum.

Finally, on April 18th, 1.2 million German workers unanimously launched a General Strike to resist the militarists' brutality.

***

The impact of the General Strike was immense.

It began in the central regions of Berlin, Leipzig, and other areas supporting the Independent Social Democratic Party, known as the "Red Belt," and within two days, it had spread nationwide.

Even more surprising was that civil servants, who had until recently remained loyal to the German Empire, refused to serve under the Coup Forces and joined the strike.

The Spartacus League boasted that even the petty bourgeois had been swayed by the righteousness of the revolution, but having interned several times, I understood their position.

How despicable their bosses must have been for them to hate the prospect of similar scum seizing power so much.

On April 18th, the day the strike began, Germany came to a complete standstill.

Not only the factories, but all railway stations, ports, and basic administrative offices were paralyzed as workers went on strike, leaving both the Coup Forces and the Government Forces immobilized.

If that was all, the Rebel Army might have been able to seize and hold the city with their superior military strength.

But "social infrastructure" wasn't limited to transportation alone.

Coal miners, power plant workers, and water management workers also went on strike.

Electricity, gas, and water supplies to Berlin were all cut off.

Thanks to this, we found ourselves living in the Middle Ages in the early 20th century, the era of the Second Industrial Revolution, lighting candles and kindling fires in our fireplaces.

But if even the relatively small Spartacus League was suffering, how much more agonizing must it have been for the Steel Helmet, tasked with managing a massive army?

With this mental victory sustaining us, we endured day by day.

And our belief proved correct. Just three days into the strike, the Steel Helmet surrendered unconditionally and transferred power to the Republican Government.

The rebellion began on April 15 and ended in surrender on April 20—a textbook example of a lucky Gapsin Coup.

Thanks to the General Strike led by the Spartacus League, the Republican Government, which had been forced to flee to Braunschweig, was able to return to Berlin.

"We've won! The militarists have laid down their arms!"

"Comrades, have you seen what we've done? Not only did we drive out the Emperor with our own hands, but we've also brought down a new oppressor! There's nothing the united strength of workers can't achieve!"

The Spartacus League and the Local Councils swelled with confidence. They had driven out both the Emperor and the right-wing forces. The German workers were invincible. The Spartacus League was a "god."

But when the government returned to Berlin, it used the excuse that the situation wasn't stable to postpone forming a coalition government with the Independent Social Democratic Party.

The Social Democratic government remained silent in the face of protests from Independent Social Democratic Party Members of Parliament.

It was around this time that the atmosphere began to turn strange.

"What right do those guys have to delay the coalition government? If it weren't for us, they wouldn't have been able to return to Berlin in the first place! They've never tasted the real bitterness of a strike!"

"Comrades! Should we let the Social Democratic government, which tramples and ignores workers, go unchecked? Aren't they just like the militarists, supporting war?"

Within the Independent Social Democratic Party, the prevailing opinion was that it was time to show the SDP its place. Their sentiment could be summed up in one question:

We've done it once, we've done it twice. But can we do it a third time?

The Social Democratic government was thinking the exact same thing. The power of the strikes demonstrated by the Independent Social Democratic Party and the Spartacus League instilled great fear in the government.

"We must decisively crush the Spartacus League. There are still many regions supporting us, and if they continue to support us, we can win again like we did this time."

(T/n; a fool decision lol)

At this rate, it was only a matter of time before the Independent Social Democratic Party defeated the mainstream Social Democratic Party.

The hardline faction of the SDP believed it was necessary to firmly suppress both the Independent Social Democratic Party and the Spartacus League before this happened.

The Spartacus League, following such a textbook course of betrayal, couldn't possibly fail to sense the shifting currents within the SDP.

"At this point, we must convene the Council."

The Local Councils' support for the Independent Social Democratic Party and us had likely grown during the General Strike, while support for the SDP had waned.

The General Election on April 6 made it clear that cities in the central region, including Berlin, were supporting the Independent Social Democratic Party.

Even if the SDP and the Independent Social Democratic Party tried to suppress us militarily, we needed a surefire way to ensure that the local councils in the regions would rise up in rebellion against them.

We believed the National Congress of Councils could resolve this.

"Let's send a message to all the councils across the country. We'll elect representatives and gather in Berlin. Then the SDP won't be able to ignore our strength either."

At the end of the Spartacus League's internal meeting, the date for the Congress was set for April 30. This was planned so that it would be possible to immediately launch a General Strike the very next day, which was Labor Day.

The time for the second revolution, following the Russian Revolution, was drawing ever closer.

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