Chapter 27: The German Revolution - To Those Who Wait, Is There Any Achievement? (Part 1)
March 1, 1919. The new cabinet, the People's Representatives Council, summoned to the Prime Minister's residence, sat in a deathly silence, a stark contrast to the tumultuous scene outside the window.
Friedrich Ebert, seated at the center, cautiously opened his mouth.
"Then... let us begin the meeting."
The other representatives reluctantly nodded their heads, and the first official meeting of the German Republic officially began.
"First order of business. Without a doubt, we all agree that the war must be ended immediately."
"I agree."
"I agree."
The response was soulless. Ebert clutched his forehead. Was this what it meant to have to work with these people, navigating threats from both the left and right?
"An envoy for peace negotiations has already been sent to France during the previous prime minister's tenure. I believe there will be no objection to that."
"I agree."
"I agree."
His blood pressure seemed to be rising steadily. Fighting back the anger surging within him, he continued:
"Then, the second matter: the Bolshevik threat facing Germany. To that end, I have spoken with General Wilhelm Groener of the General Staff. I intend to promise that I will not touch the Military Clique until the Bolshevik threat is eliminated."
At that moment, the man beside him raised his hand.
"What is the matter, Chairman Hugo Haase?" he asked.
"Are you saying you will use force to suppress the Bolsheviks?" Haase, the representative of the Independent Social Democratic Party, who had formed a coalition cabinet with the Social Democratic Party, asked Ebert. After a moment's thought, Ebert replied:
"If necessary, we must. Moreover, aren't the Conservatives at least thinking about overthrowing our liberal democratic system through revolution? It's only natural that our top priority should be to drive out the far-left extremists who spout nonsense about 'proletarian revolutions'."
Haase nodded slightly, looking somewhat uncomfortable. Ebert stared at him with a suspicious gaze. What schemes is this man brewing?
As the German Empire crumbled and a new cabinet needed to be formed, Ebert agonized over who to partner with. The Center Party? Or the German People's Party?
In the end, he chose the Independent Social Democratic Party as the first coalition partner of the German Republic. The reason was simple: to prevent an armed uprising by the left and suppress worker discontent through the party.
But now, as a politician, he was relying on his instincts.
He had a gut feeling that these bastards were up to something.
"...Then let's take a ten-minute break. Chairman Hugo Haase, could you step aside with me for a moment?"
He was the type of person who couldn't rest until he'd checked out any unsettling hunches.
Hasega trailed behind Ebert's imposing figure as he strode out of the conference hall, reluctant to follow.
***
"Comrade Lee, are you still in your right mind?"
"I'm so clear-headed, it's exhausting, Comrade Liebknecht."
"Collaborate with the Independent Social Democratic Party? And run in the elections?!"
I hadn't expected Liebknecht to react so furiously, but that's how it stood.
The moment he heard the monarchy had been abolished, Liebknecht cheered and rushed to the Reichstag, eager to declare a Socialist Republic on the spot.
I barely managed to stop him. It's not that anyone's afraid of seizing the Reichstag grounds. It's just that trying would get us all killed.
First, we needed a miracle for anger management. Otherwise, we'd be beaten black and blue by every faction.
"For now, provoking the centrist and right-wing factions is excessively risky. We must recognize we still lack a solid base of support. Right now, we should bow our heads and ingratiate ourselves with the Social Democratic Party in any way possible."
We barely managed to secure the support—or rather, the reluctant support—of the Independent Social Democratic Party, and soldiers returning from the front lines were beginning to embrace the revolution of their own volition.
If we waited just a little longer, we could launch our uprising from a far stronger position. But to lose patience now, to squander everything we've built up until now? I refuse to tolerate such recklessness.
"Comrade Liebknecht, Comrade Lenin, remember that they worked hand-in-hand with the Mensheviks until the October Revolution. Our October hasn't arrived yet. This is our February. Only by enduring patiently can we ensure that we are the ones who ultimately triumph."
If Lenin had lost patience with the February Revolution and immediately launched an armed uprising then, he would have shared the fate of Rosa Luxemburg in actual history. His glittering head would have been smashed open by a rifle butt and tossed into the Neva River.
But Lenin endured for eight months, and that patience bore fruit in the success of the Revolution.
During those eight months, the Bolsheviks weren't simply idling away. They established Soviets in each city, nurtured the Red Guard—a force loyal to them—and relentlessly sabotaged the Provisional Government, weakening its cohesion.
We had to follow the Russian model. It was the only way I knew of for a revolution to succeed, based on what I'd learned so far.
"Everyone, let's wait. And let's remain calm. Only then will the revolution succeed."
"But if the workers want to start the revolution right now, it's our duty to follow them."
A steady female voice came from behind. I immediately recognized who it was.
Rosa Luxemburg stepped forward, raising her voice.
"Comrade Lee is undoubtedly an outstanding revolutionary, but he remains too entrenched in Leninist vanguard party theory. The vanguard of the revolution should not be the revolutionaries themselves, but the workers themselves, brimming with revolutionary resolve."
"But aren't we ourselves workers and part of the proletariat?"
Luxemburg shook her head vigorously.
"No. From the perspective of vanguard party theory, we are elite revolutionaries. What we prioritize is not a revolution carried out by the party, but a revolution initiated by the workers themselves—a spontaneous revolution, not an armed revolution like the October Revolution."
What... what? Is this old lady always this out of touch?
"Isn't the Great War the result of that... failure? If workers could have sparked a revolution voluntarily, it would have happened in 1914."
"It was the result of a series of diplomatic struggles between monopoly capitalist states, each trying to expand their exploited capitalist territories. But now that the Soviet Union, a post-capitalist state, has emerged, the likelihood of a spontaneous workers' revolution has increased."
What... what is this nonsense? I'm sorry, but I'm an economics major, not a political economy major.
"In any case, even if you call Comrade Lenin's vanguard... 'anti-democratic,' you can't deny that it's the most certain and quickest way to spark a revolution, can you?"
Lenin's methods have been proven. After all, Soviet Russia exists. But what about Luxemburgism? It hasn't been tested here, and as far as I remember, it ended in utter failure in reality.
Come to think of it, they really hate the term "vanguard," don't they? The atmosphere would have gotten really tense if I suggested forming a vanguard.
"Comrade Luxemburg, let's be frank. Do you remember what I said to Comrade Kautsky at the Independent Social Democratic Party headquarters? My stance remains the same."
I was referring to what I said to Karl Kautsky, that bearded old man, when I visited the Independent Social Democratic Party headquarters. Later, I learned he was a quite famous Marxist theorist.
"The priority is to ignite and succeed in the revolution. We'll only get one chance at this. Whether the revolution is democratic or not doesn't really matter. Even if it's democratic, failure renders it meaningless."
No matter how noble an ideal may be, if it cannot be realized in reality, it is utterly useless. It will merely be dismissed as the delusion of an ordinary, backward-thinking fool.
However, if someone achieves that ideal in reality, regardless of the means, they are revered not as a mere dreamer, but as a revolutionary and a great leader.
And I wanted to be remembered not as a grandiose delusional, but as a great figure.
"Therefore, Comrade Luxemburg and Comrade Liebknecht, we must be patient now. Even if the workers desire revolution, the time is not right. Wouldn't enduring now and seizing the opportunity when it truly presents itself be the true path for the workers?"
"..."
"Let's start with the revolution. We can worry about democracy later. But let's conduct this revolution according to the proven method of the vanguard party theory. Taking risks and following Comrade Luxemburg's theory would mean the consequences of failure are too great. We can't gamble the fate of the German people—or, indeed, the world proletariat—on that."
*And my own fate.* I didn't want to risk my life on an untested theory and end up thrown into the Landwehr Canal.
"Therefore, Comrade Luxemburg, Comrade Liebknecht, and fellow comrades of the Spartacus League. It's good to feel the heat of revolution, but let's all face reality. Keep our hearts burning, but our heads cool. And at this point, to achieve revolution, I strongly urge you to follow the methods of Comrade Lenin and the Russian Bolsheviks."
I thought they would understand after I explained it so clearly. Liebknecht seemed somewhat convinced, but Luxemburg still looked displeased. That woman is stubborn as a mule.
However, the other members of the Spartacus League seemed to generally agree with my argument. After all, everyone here was cut from the same cloth. Whether they were Leninists or Luxemburgists didn't matter; we were all just people hungry for revolution.
And I believed the workers would follow me. No matter what they said about the will of the people or the enlightenment of the workers, in the end, it would be my silver tongue that would persuade them.
So, to convince the German workers, Karl Radek and I spent countless nights studying German grammar. At least it was easier than Russian grammar.
***
March 3, 1919. The Peace Treaty was signed in the Compiègne Forest, finally bringing an end to the four-and-a-half-year-long war that had grown increasingly loathsome.
But for Germany, the real problems were only just beginning.
To the west, France and its allies—nations that hadn't been occupied by Germany for even a single moment during the past 56 months—were determined to squeeze every last penny out of the defeated nation.
To the east, Soviet Russia, having already torn up the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, was itching to reclaim its lost territories.
And within Germany itself... Huh?
"Why are the Reds so quiet?"
Sipping his coffee, German Chancellor Friedrich Ebert couldn't help but be startled by the eerie silence within his own country.
Strictly speaking, it wasn't entirely silent. The strike was boiling, soldiers were defying orders, and the Republic was unpopular.
Yet contrary to expectations, the Reds, who one would have thought would stir up the workers and incite street battles, were surprisingly quiet, keeping their mouths shut tight.
They're up to something. Something very, very sinister...
Ebert recalled his conversation with Hugo Haase two days prior. Yes, that must be it.
Haase had said that the Spartacus League recently approached the Independent Social Democratic Party, claiming they would cooperate with them as long as the SDP didn't "disturb internal peace."
Yes, that's it. Ebert scoffed at the transparent maneuver.
"It seems they're waiting for us to fire the first shot."
This was a common trick of the Reds. He knew their scheme all too well: to wear the mask of peace, then pounce like a wolf at the slightest pretext, inciting workers to riot and foment revolution.
That's why he strengthened his alliance with the Independent Social Democratic Party. In fact, it was as if the Spartacus League had voluntarily shackled itself to the Independent Social Democratic Party.
"If the Independent Social Democratic Party maintains our coalition, it's practically the same as eliminating the possibility of a left-wing uprising. Then we can gradually shift our gaze toward the right and completely shut down any potential for a coup..."
For now, the military clique remained quiet due to the Gentleman's Agreement with Wilhelm Groener. But the German military—the same clique that could turn back to anti-republicanism at any moment—was a constant threat.
"For now, it's crucial to maintain the status quo as quietly as possible until the April elections. Otherwise..."
"Prime Minister! It's serious!"
"What is it now? Speak slowly."
Another strike somewhere, no doubt, Ebert thought dismissively.
"The Freikorps... they opened fire on striking workers!"
"What?!"
The coffee cup Ebert was holding slipped from his fingers and shattered with a crash.
His hands trembled with rage and bewilderment.
Damn it.
Why did they have to do exactly what they were told not to do and start this mess?