Chapter 26: The German Revolution - Reform or Revolution?
The ice on the Spree River had melted, but a chill still lingered in Berlin's air in mid-February 1919. I was heading somewhere with members of the Spartacus League.
"If we fail to reach an agreement today, the German Revolution is doomed," I stated succinctly. The other members nodded in agreement.
Our destination was the headquarters of the Independent Social Democratic Party (USPD). While winning their support was our only hope, even securing their backing didn't guarantee the revolution's success. What was certain, however, was that without them, the revolution would inevitably fail.
My heart trembled as I rang the bell at the USPD headquarters. Could we truly succeed? Shouldn't I abandon this madness now and seek asylum in the United States? But by now, I had invested too much to turn back.
"Is anyone there?"
"It's Karl Liebknecht. I've come to discuss matters with my comrades from the Independent Social Democratic Party."
Liebknecht raised his voice in my place, and after a brief silence, a response came:
"...Very well. Come in."
The strained relationship between the Independent Social Democratic Party and the Spartacus League was immediately apparent.
Surprisingly, the party members also recognized me. They would gaze at Rosa Luxemburg or Karl Liebknecht with critical eyes, but when they saw me, they would break into warm smiles. This made me even more uneasy.
"Please have some tea. Welcome to Germany, Comrade Siyeong Lee. I am Hugo Haase, leader of the Independent Social Democratic Party."
"Thank you for your hospitality, Comrade Haase. I am Lee Si-young, former People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of Soviet Russia."
Having spent nearly two months with the members of the Spartacus League, my German conversation skills had improved somewhat. While I still struggled with complex grammar, at least I could now hold a decent conversation.
"So, why has the Spartacus League come here? If you've come to repent for your past advocacy of violent revolution and to turn to a new path, we might be willing to consider it."
"Exactly the opposite, Comrade Haase. We've come because we believe the Independent Social Democratic Party will support us."
"...Then negotiations are pointless. You may leave now."
These fellows had deeper emotional scars than I'd anticipated. After all the fighting they'd endured, how could they dismiss our proposal without even listening?
"Comrade Haase, please hear me out."
But now, I am a member of the Spartacus League.
"The Spartacus League truly desires peace. What did Kerensky, who seized power after the February Revolution in Russia, actually accomplish? He dragged out the war with Germany, ultimately leading to the October Revolution."
"Well, that's true."
Hase's weary eyes turned to me. He seemed to understand where this was going.
"The same goes for Germany. The SDP, entrenched in Prussia's reactionary electoral system, will never try to end the war. They'll join hands with the right wing and attempt to ignite a civil war within Germany."
"What do you mean by 'ignite a civil war within Germany'?"
"They'll arrest trade union leaders, fire on peaceful protesters, and tolerate not even an inch of opposition."
Honestly, I didn't know if the SDP had actually done such things in real history. I was just fitting the pieces together because it sounded plausible.
But at least assuming the SDP would behave this way was enough to give the impression that we shared the Independent Social Democratic Party's desire for 'peace'.
And that expectation proved somewhat accurate.
"But withdrawing support for the SDP can wait until the time comes."
Hase had taken the bait.
"Then, can you swear an oath right here, right now?"
"W-What?"
Hasega, flustered, tried to get up, and I had to calm him down.
"It's nothing serious. The peace we seek includes not only external peace but also internal peace. In other words, if the SDP violates 'internal peace,' promise to stand with us."
"Wait, wait a minute."
The White-Bearded Bald Man, who had been watching us from the side, suddenly interrupted.
"In the end, isn't this just a trick to justify armed revolution by claiming victory over 'internal peace'? 'The Asian of Petrograd' and all that—really, I can't stand it."
"Comrade Kautsky. I heard you've turned to Revisionism. Aren't you ashamed?"
The White-Bearded Bald Man, referred to as Kautsky, remained unfazed by Liebknecht's sarcastic remark and shot back at me.
"One thing is certain: the Proletarian Revolution you speak of ultimately establishes a new Communist dictatorship atop the old Tsarist order. I refuse to let that happen here in Germany."
But that's a harsh truth to swallow... And in the end, it did just become another dictatorship.
Still, I'm the one who joined hands with Trotsky to try and establish something resembling democracy in Russia. I can't let such a superficial critique bring me down.
"Comrade Kautsky, the very purpose of revolution is to correct a rotten social order. Let's imagine the October Revolution never happened. The Russian people would still be suffering from the war with Germany."
"That's true, but the October Revolution also brought about the Red Terror and the suppression of political dissent. It's not as simple as you make it sound."
"Do you really believe that's a sufficient justification for transitioning from democracy to dictatorship?"
"What use is a democracy that refuses to rescue the people mired in hardship? Can you even call that 'democracy' in the first place?"
At least the Kerensky government I witnessed in Petrograd in October 1917 couldn't be called democratic. Has this fellow even been to Russia?
"Moreover, it's still too early to judge whether the October Revolution has succeeded or failed in its current state. Russia is currently in a state of civil war, making it an inappropriate time to implement democracy. We weren't even in a position to hold elections in the first place!"
That's right. And it was Lenin himself who postponed those elections.
No, now that I think about it, I'm getting angry. In October 1917, I was in Petrograd, narrowly escaping death multiple times while storming the Winter Palace and even commanding an army.
Yet this old man, who probably never broke a sweat in his life, has the nerve to criticize me?
"In other words, Comrade Kautsky's logic simply doesn't hold in Soviet Russia today. If we topple democracy, you can curse us then, but I can't tolerate anyone insulting the revolution we built with our blood and sweat!"
If you want to criticize, at least fire a gun once before you open your mouth, you bastard.
Leaving the stunned Kautsky behind, I returned to my conversation with Hase.
"So, Comrade Hase, what do you think? The Independent Social Democratic Party split from the SDP, shouting about peace. If they violate their principle of peace now, shouldn't they join us?"
Honestly, at this point, even I'm not sure. Ultimately, a revolution can only happen if the SDP opens fire on us first with their machine guns.
But perhaps such sacrifices will be necessary. Without the Bloody Sunday Incident of 1905, the Russian Revolution might never have occurred.
Lenin's famous quote comes to mind again: "A revolution can't be made in white gloves."
"...This is not a decision I can make alone. I will consult with the party members soon and make a decision. However, I would like you to understand that the Independent Social Democratic Party's first principle is peace."
That's enough. This is a success. I never expected to get an answer today anyway.
"Of course not. The Spartacus League and the Bolsheviks are groups that prioritize peace above all else. Take as much time as you need to consider this. We are prepared to wait indefinitely."
What a flawless diplomatic gesture. At this rate, I might as well be a brilliant diplomat myself.
I strode out of the Independent Social Democratic Party headquarters with a triumphant air, only to be immediately surrounded by comrades who showered me with praise.
"We... we knew so little about negotiations. You're truly great, Comrade!"
I smiled and replied warmly, "Thank you, comrades. This negotiation is the future of our Fatherland! If you ever need help with anything else, just ask. We'll help anyone!"
Doing this made me feel like I was about to be shot in the heart.
Well, what of it? The vanguard will come and rescue me anyway.
Come to think of it, do we even have a vanguard?
February 1919. Though no one dared speak it aloud, everyone in Berlin knew the German Empire's collapse was imminent.
It's said that revolutions often begin in the most obscure places.
What I remember isn't the rebellion at the Kiel Naval Base, but rather the spontaneous uprising in some quiet French village, where soldiers defied their officers' orders to dig trenches and formed their own council.
This small protest quickly spread to nearby forests and villages, where other military units were stationed. Soon, the insubordination had grown uncontrollable, and the German High Command began to fear that these soldiers would turn their guns around and point them at their own leaders.
By then, the German government was already preparing for peace. The new cabinet formed early in February had brought the Social Democratic Party (SDP) into the fold and was once again engaging in conditional peace talks with the Allied Powers.
But the front lines were slipping beyond the German Army's control.
Of course, we in Berlin remained unaware of this. News from the front was strictly censored, and we had no way of knowing that the soldiers had mutinied.
The revolution's official start date was February 25, 1919.
After accidentally hearing news of the uprising on the Western Front, sailors of the German High Seas Fleet seized the fleet and took control of the entire city of Kiel.
"Kiel has been occupied by a sailors' uprising! Sailors and workers in Kiel have established a 'Soldiers' and Workers' Council' and begun managing the city independently!"
The members of the Spartacus League couldn't contain their trembling excitement. The moment we had been waiting for, for five long years, was finally approaching.
"Everyone, remain calm. The revolution has only just begun."
Liebknecht's bold proclamation rang hollow in the small Berlin apartment, which was instead filled with excitement, fear, and hope.
"Comrade Siyoung, what should we do now?" Liebknecht asked me, his voice trembling despite his outward composure.
"I wasn't in Russia during the February Revolution either," I replied.
In truth, I was just as nervous. I'd led armed revolutions before, but this civil revolution was new territory. So, we decided to wait and see.
Then, the Revolution swept over us like a tidal wave.
"The House of Wittelsbach has been overthrown in Munich! The Bavarian Social Democratic Party, Independent Social Democratic Party, and Farmers' League have declared the Bavarian Council Republic!"
"Councils have been established in cities across northern Germany! Hanover, Braunschweig, Frankfurt, Munich..."
"Soldiers from the Western Front are deserting their positions and returning to the German mainland! They're voluntarily forming Soldiers' Councils..."
The overwhelming response left us at a loss.
February 28, 1919. This day would forever be etched in history as the last day Germany was ruled by an emperor. The flames of revolution had reached Berlin, and the people demanded the Emperor's abdication.
The next day, March 1, 1919, Wilhelm II, King of Prussia and former Emperor of Germany, announced his abdication and fled to the Netherlands.
Now, the German Empire no longer existed in this world.
The newborn German Republic, cradling vague illusions and fears about the future, was merely gasping its first breaths from the corpse of the old Empire