Chapter 24: The German Revolution - Toward the Red Dawn
"The German people are utterly exhausted and starving after five years of war. Ukrainian grain is helping the Military Clique continue fighting, but ordinary citizens still can't afford the skyrocketing food prices and are going hungry."
January 1919. I was heading to Berlin with comrades from Germany.
Karl Radek had fled persecution in Germany and come to Russia as an exile, preparing for the impending German Revolution. He maintained contact with informants within Germany.
And they all agreed: the time for revolution in Germany was drawing ever closer.
"From Berlin to Dresden, Leipzig, and Thuringia, our influence is growing rapidly in the central cities of Germany. They are ready to expose our presence to the government through immediate strikes and other actions, and they will carry them out the moment the order is given."
Every member of Soviet Russia seemed to swell with emotion at the mere mention of the "German Revolution." They argued that they would do anything to ensure its success, and the meeting progressed amiably—until Leon Trotsky declared that he would personally go to Germany to lead the revolution.
The Bolsheviks, already deeply divided by factional conflicts, feared that if Trotsky successfully led the German Revolution, he might gain widespread popular support and become their leader. They resorted to all manner of flowery praise to prevent him from going.
"If Comrade Leon Trotsky, the People's Commissar for Military Affairs, goes to Germany, how will we win the civil war?"
"Comrade Trotsky's extraordinary intellect and capabilities are invaluable to Soviet Russia. He must remain here unconditionally!"
As the Bolsheviks' shameless flattery of Trotsky continued unabated, I finally spoke up.
"Then may I go to Germany and lead the revolution?"
After a moment of silence and some discussion, the Central Committee approved my trip to Germany.
This achievement likely wouldn't have been possible if they had considered me a full-fledged Trotskyist.
"We can trust Comrade Lee. After all, he has experience from Petrograd."
"Indeed. Since he was instrumental in negotiating that humiliating Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, it's fitting that he should finish what he started himself."
The journey back to Germany was long and arduous.
First, I had to travel to Finland, where the civil war was still raging, then take a boat to Sweden, and finally board a train to Berlin.
On the day of my departure, Maria, Anastasia, and almost all the Soviet officials came to Petrograd to see me off and bless my journey to Germany.
"Siyeong... Comrade... please come back alive..." Maria said, her voice thick with emotion. Feeling both her tender gaze and her sharp reproach, I stroked her hair.
"It's not like I'm going to my death. Just keep the Foreign Affairs Committee running smoothly."
"Comrade Siyeong, I sincerely congratulate you on taking the first step towards World Revolution. I hope you return with fruitful results."
Trotsky sincerely encouraged me as well. His expression held a hint of regret that he couldn't go himself, along with a parental pride in seeing how well I had grown.
"Of course. I will definitely succeed and return, Comrade Trotsky."
Finally, Lenin came to see me off.
"When I first met you, Comrade Lee, I never dreamed you'd be entrusted with such a crucial mission," he said. "But now you're heading to perform the most important task for Soviet Russia. Safe travels. I wish you every success."
I, too, never imagined I'd come this far when I first set foot on this land.
But now I'm shouldering everything and heading to Germany—for Comrade Lenin, Comrade Trotsky, Soviet Russia, and for Maria and Nastya.
With that, I boarded the ship.
Amid the rhythmic creaking of the hull, the vessel sailed into the blue waters of the Baltic Sea, carrying with it unease, fear, and hope for the future.
Berlin in 1919 was a somber place.
The city, despite its quaint streets, felt dark and oppressive, its pedestrians moving with listless apathy.
"I told you," he said. "The German people are utterly exhausted after years of war. Their anger toward the Emperor and the Military Clique is palpable. All it needs is a spark, and the Revolution will surely succeed."
Yet I couldn't help but think differently.
People like these—small shopkeepers who originally supported the Revolution—don't they ultimately just want peace? That's precisely why the Bolsheviks were able to seize power.
"Alright, Comrade Lee. There's no time to dawdle. You must go to Azhit immediately. Our comrades are anxiously awaiting you."
Radek was a man of impulsive temperament.
The "Azhit" he spoke of was located in an apartment on the outskirts of Berlin.
Recalling the Smolny Institute, which served as the Bolsheviks' headquarters during the October Revolution, I was slightly disappointed by its modest size. Well, great things often start small.
Radek knocked on the door. A man's voice called out from inside:
"Freedom under capitalism?"
"The freedom to trade, to buy and sell. It's me, Karl Radek."
The door swung open as he spoke.
The man who answered looked very similar to Radek, but his hair was neater. He asked cheerfully:
"Karl! So you really are here? But who is this man with you...?"
I removed my Spanish Flu prevention mask and replied.
"It's a pleasure to meet you. I am Lee Si-young, former People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of Soviet Russia."
The man stared back and forth between Radek and me, his expression astonished.
"This man... could he possibly be...?"
"Yes, that's right. He's the 'Asian of Petrograd.' He's come from the Moscow Party Central Committee to lead the German Revolution. His practical knowledge will be invaluable to the success of the Revolution."
What a ridiculous nickname.
Before I could even complain about the nickname, the man beamed and extended his hand to me.
"Welcome, Comrade Siyeong Lee! I am Karl Liebknecht of the Spartacus League. Comrade Rosa! Come here! We have a most distinguished guest!"
Wait a minute, Karl Liebknecht? Then the Rosa he mentioned...
A woman with her hair braided and coiled atop her head emerged from the back of the room and began walking toward us.
It was a face I knew very well.
"Are you... Siyeong Lee?" A calm, dignified voice, reminiscent of Kim Alexandra's, spoke.
"Yes, that's me."
She smiled warmly and greeted me.
"It's a pleasure to meet you. I am Rosa Luxemburg of the Spartacus League. I look forward to working with Comrade Siyeong Lee to achieve the German Revolution."
The soaring eagle of the German people, the old warrior maiden of the Free Corps—Rosa Luxemburg was standing before me.
***
Though I had learned German as for a while, my proficiency was still limited. With Radek interpreting for me, I began speaking with the members of the Spartacus League.
I soon realized that I was more of a global figure than I had imagined.
Before I knew it, I had become one of the "Three Greats" who led the October Revolution alongside Lenin and Trotsky. The Spartacus League members listened to my words as if they were hearing the gospel.
However, some seemed to regard me with resentment.
The reason was clear: it was the price I had paid for signing the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk.
"...In other words, to succeed in the Revolution, we must at least seize control of the major cities. We need the support of urban workers and soldiers. This is the strategy to ensure victory in the inevitable civil war that will follow the Revolution."
"So you're saying that civil war is inevitable after a revolution," Liebknecht stated, seeking confirmation.
"That's correct," I replied. "Civil war is inevitable. It cannot be avoided."
Despite the eight-month gap between the February and October Revolutions in Russia, the country remained engulfed in a fierce civil war. And if we assume that this prolonged conflict was exacerbated by the Kerensky Government's self-destructive policies...
It seemed highly unlikely that a similar revolution would erupt in Germany.
"Assuming Germany's defeat, a republic will likely be established after the Peace Treaty, much like it was in Russia. To succeed in our revolution, we must systematically divide and weaken this republic. Only then can we slightly increase our chances of success."
Just like the Bolsheviks did.
We need to make the Ufa and moderate factions fight each other, to make them distrust each other.
"So, after the Peace Treaty, we should avoid direct armed conflict?" Rosa Luxemburg asked me, and I nodded.
"Yes. We must preserve our strength as much as possible and topple the Republic through peaceful yet effective methods—strikes, protests, and the like. Of course, this shouldn't happen, but... if state power violently suppresses peaceful demonstrators, support for us could surge."
I squeezed my eyes shut. I never wanted to see that despicable figure again, even if he died.
But Lenin had said it:
"You can't make a revolution with white gloves."
"Our first task is to gain the support of the workers. As far as I know, many workers currently support the Social Democratic Party. We must draw this support to our side; only then can the Revolution succeed."
"How do we win the support of the soldiers?" someone asked whose name I didn't know. I answered as best I could:
"In a broad sense, soldiers are also workers—conscripted and dragged into the army. Our task is to destroy their nationalism and imperialism and awaken their worker consciousness. We must make them conscious enough to assert their own rights."
"How do we instill this consciousness in them?"
"Umm... Ah, peace. Yes, soldiers are people too. They have families, and now they can't go home for Christmas, so they'll aim to return home before Easter. But what if they believe moderate and Ufa politicians are disrupting peace at home?"
"Of course, they'll support us, the ones advocating for 'bread and peace,'" Liebknecht murmured, and I nodded in agreement.
"Exactly! We must plant the idea that the Spartacus League is the only force that can bring bread and peace!"
"Then how should we plant that idea, Comrade Lee?" Rosa Luxemburg asked softly. That woman... every single word she spoke was terrifying.
"That's the realm of pure politics, which can be difficult. But in terms of propaganda... I believe a media campaign—using newspapers to sway public opinion—would be the most effective. We'll use newspapers to tear down Ufa figures and promote the righteousness of the Revolution."
Applause echoed through the small apartment room.
My heart was pounding wildly. It felt like my mouth was running off on its own, not following my thoughts. Even as I spoke, I sometimes thought, What the hell am I saying?
Speaking before the Spartacus League—small but firmly united—was far more reassuring than facing the Soviet Deputies, who were ready to tear anyone apart at the slightest misstep.
I was reminded of Smolny in Petrograd, now two years past. That place, brimming with vitality and hope, where everyone was bound together by an unwavering faith in the Revolution.
This old Berlin apartment seemed to retain that same spirit.
If, by some miracle, the German Revolution succeeds, I thought, I hope those gathered here never forget this difficult, arduous struggle in this apartment.
And that they continue to live, preserving this pure passion.
Beyond the laughing, chattering window, Berlin's stars shone brightly.