Chapter 28: The German Revolution - To Those Who Wait, Will There Be a Reward? (Part 2)
Friedrich Ebert returned to his office at the Prime Minister's Residence, collapsing into his chair, utterly exhausted.
"Are you seriously making a fuss because I fired a few shots during a strike by those Reds threatening the Republic's order? Shouldn't the Independent Social Democrats, who are so eager to protect those Reds, be the ones apologizing for forming a coalition with us?"
First, there was the Freikorps, who had suddenly transformed into patriotic citizens, putting the Republic above all else.
"We've already made it clear we have no intention of aligning with the Spartacus League! As long as the SDP stops making such a fuss, there's no reason for either of us to shed blood. But who the hell ordered the violent suppression of this peaceful protest?"
Then there was the Independent Social Democrats, threatening to leave the coalition and acting increasingly uncooperative with the government.
"Then let's just boldly establish our own dictatorship! Why should we ally with those Reds who are only intent on destroying the Republic? Negotiations with anti-state forces can only be carried out through force!"
Even the irreconcilable factions within the SDP were pushing their own agendas. Ebert, unable to please any of the three major factions, could only furrow his brow deeper.
"It's all because of those overly quiet Red bastards," he muttered. It might have sounded like an excuse, but it was undeniably true.
To maintain power, a common enemy was necessary. Having lost the war, it was impossible to find an external adversary. Ultimately, the Republic would have to survive by making the fear of Communism its sole enemy.
Yet, barely three days after its declaration, the Republic was already showing signs of fracturing.
As soon as the war ended, the Allied Forces began to occupy the Rhineland, grinding their teeth at Germany while steadily preparing to cripple the country, rendering it incapable of waging war again.
Disarmament of Germany was inevitably a central topic in the Peace Treaty negotiations. The moment Germany accepted the treaty, the uneasy alliance between the SDP and the Military Clique was destined to crumble.
To avoid this fate, they needed a common enemy: Communism. Yet...
I want to scream, "Damn you, you Red bastards! Please, do something!"
Instead, the Spartacus League issued an official statement urging workers to refrain from violent protests, announcing their intention to participate in elections in coalition with the Independent Social Democratic Party.
The Military Clique, which had never warmed to the SDP government—or the Republic itself from the start—seized this as an excuse to pressure the SDP into severing ties with the Independent Social Democratic Party.
Breaking the coalition with the Independent Social Democratic Party could immediately trigger massive strikes by workers. If production were to stop during the transition from a wartime to a peacetime economy, economic collapse would be inevitable.
In the end, the Ebert Cabinet found itself caught in an impossible situation, unable to act in either direction.
"This... must be a deliberate provocation..."
Ebert suddenly recalled the report he had received about the Spartacus League's activities.
"Come to think of it, I heard recently that an Asian has been accompanying the Spartacus League."
"An Asian?"
"Yes. Based on the circumstances, I suspect it's Siyeong Lee, the man who participated in the October Revolution and served as the Russian People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs. He's also well-known for signing the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk."
"Just add him to the surveillance list. If he hasn't broken any laws, we have no grounds or justification to arrest him. After all, there's only so much an individual can do."
Could this individual have orchestrated this entire situation? The mere thought sent shivers down his spine.
At the time, he had simply dismissed those words as unremarkable, but looking back now, they were utterly chilling. If someone who participated in the October Revolution was responsible for the current situation—and if he was powerless to stop it—
"Damn it... Damn it!"
All he could do was spit curses while desperately hoping the Communist Party would dig their own grave.
The government had set the election date for April 6th.
Until then, we had to avoid any armed conflicts initiated by our side and wait for them to provoke us first.
If that happened, we could say the time for revolution had finally come. More workers and soldiers would join the Revolutionary Army, and their side would become increasingly divided.
However, the members of the Spartacus League seemed unwilling to wait even a month.
"Comrade Lee! I think we could succeed in an armed uprising right now. Why aren't we acting immediately?"
"We can't. If we pick up our weapons now, we'll be crushed by the Freikorps. We need to build up our strength as much as possible and strike decisively all at once to succeed."
Right now, even if we have supporters and potential soldiers, we lack a unified command structure or leadership to bring us together.
In this situation, rashly launching an uprising would be courting defeat, whether you know history or not.
That's why, with just a month left until the election, our focus should be on the Councils—what they call "Soviets" in Russian—that are spontaneously forming in each city.
Germany is now experiencing what was called "Dual Power" in pre-October Revolution Russia. This is a bizarre system where mayors appointed by the newly formed Republic coexist with Councils formed voluntarily by workers and soldiers.
Naturally, those who established the Councils are sympathetic to us. They created these Socialist-style assemblies in opposition to the right-wing-dominated Republic.
The key was to force these disparate groups into a unified system, ensuring they could rise up in an orderly fashion when the time for armed revolution came. This, they believed, would determine the success or failure of the revolution.
To achieve this, they would need to convene in Berlin, just as the Bolsheviks had done, to establish a command structure and centralize leadership.
"Our only concern is whether this will provoke the current government," someone remarked.
"What a laughable worry! We've never engaged in any illegal activities. What justification would they have to suppress us?"
It sounded good in theory. But from the government's perspective, the mere existence of an "unauthorized council" masquerading as a legitimate body was an eyesore they couldn't tolerate.
"Moreover, many of the councils in the Rhineland region support the SDP. It's uncertain whether they would unconditionally support an armed revolution."
"Then let's proceed like this for now."
In Russia, all the city councils supported the Bolsheviks, but it's proving quite difficult in Germany. Given this situation, calling all the councils across the country would be too risky.
"Let's wait for the election first. Until then, we'll persuade supporters of the Social Democratic Party to switch their allegiance to the Independent Social Democratic Party."
"What's the plan after the election?"
"After the election, we'll observe the results and convene a separate meeting of only the councils that support us to discuss armed revolution. Right now, we're not sure which councils are on our side. We'll only invite the neighborhoods where our Members of Parliament are elected."
Isn't this the safest method with the least risk?
Until the election, we'll present the SDP as the reactionary party suppressing peaceful protests, thereby winning the support of left-wing voters.
That should slightly increase the chances of revolution.
"I fully agree with Comrade Lee's opinion. Yesterday's clash made headlines in our official newspaper, *Red Flag*. It's clear that the Spartacus League's national recognition is steadily growing."
Liebknecht, who had dismissed my earlier proposal to participate in the election as a member of the Independent Social Democratic Party as nonsense, had now become my most fervent supporter.
"Yes, that's how we shape public opinion. What if we collaborate with the Independent Social Democratic Party and adopt similar rhetoric? They have an official newspaper too, don't they?"
"There's a newspaper called Die Freiheit, but since the Hasega family is still hesitant to collaborate with us, it'll be difficult to pursue any public cooperation. Still, I'll look into it."
That figures. As long as the Independent Social Democratic Party remains in coalition with the current government, openly criticizing the government will be difficult.
Our very presence within the party must be a significant burden.
"For now, let's just push forward. If we remain patient and wait for the right moment for revolution, the fruits of victory will naturally fall into our hands. So, comrades, let's persevere a little longer."
"Yes! Comrade!"
I was just speaking, but the overwhelming response left me startled. It felt like I'd become Lenin or Trotsky overnight.
No, if we can truly succeed in the German Revolution, I might actually reach their level.
The month of March that followed was like the eye of a typhoon. The world around us was in chaos, but the Social Democratic Party, the Independent Social Democratic Party, and our Spartacus League remained eerily quiet.
Later, the Social Democratic government published an article titled "Cry to the German People," outlining their plans for forming a new government.
"...The government also promises social reforms, including unemployment and sickness benefits, an eight-hour workday, and universal suffrage for men and women over the age of 20..."
What the hell? That sounds pretty good! It's not much different from South Korea in the 21st century.
In addition to these measures, the Social Democratic government implemented pro-labor policies to win over workers. There was even an instance where a conglomerate chairman personally negotiated workplace conditions with laborers. You'd never see that in South Korea, would you?
Meanwhile, sensing a crisis, the Spartacus League launched a newspaper campaign to criticize the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and its right-wing allies.
[ - What is the collusion between Friedrich Ebert and Wilhelm Groener? ]
[ - Can the current government's policies truly be called 'social democratic'? ]
[ - Rosa Luxemburg column: 'The current policies are nothing but deception.' ]
The SDP wasn't about to remain silent either. In response to the Spartacus League's *Red Flag*, their own organ, *Vorwärts*, began to criticize us.
[ - How did the Bolsheviks seize power? Armed revolution and its violence. ]
[ - What is the truth behind the factory workers' strikes? Secret support from the Spartacus League. ]
[ - Otto Wels column: 'Those who preach peace while dreaming of war behind closed doors.' ]
However, the Social Democratic Party couldn't suppress the criticism from the far-left camp with mere newspaper articles alone.
As the strikes spread nationwide, the Freikorps intensified their suppression, paradoxically leading to an increase in anti-government strikes. This was a vicious cycle for the SDP, but a virtuous one for us.
Even the current government was powerless to act. The election was already set for April 6th, and ordering harsh suppression would clearly lead to defeat. We had also agreed not to move until after the election, so we couldn't act first either.
Thus, for an entire month of March, both the Social Democratic Party and the Spartacus League engaged in a tense standoff, neither able to deliver a fatal blow to the other.
The situation began to rapidly deteriorate on April 1, just a week before the election.