The week leading up to the April 6th election, from April 1st to April 7th, 1919, became known as the "Bloody Week" due to the violent clashes that erupted across Germany.
Candidates from the Spartacus League, who were nominally affiliated with the Independent Social Democratic Party (USPD), were deliberately placed in districts where the Social Democratic Party (SDP) was dominant, such as Hanover and Silesia, rather than in areas like Berlin, Saxony, and Thuringia, where the USPD was expected to perform well.
The reason was simple: the Central Committee of the USPD wanted to ensure that these "freeloading" candidates, who were only using the USPD's name to run in the election, wouldn't even dream of winning. But the Spartacus League refused to bow to this underhanded maneuver by the party leadership.
Whenever a candidate affiliated with the Federation went on an election campaign, the Spartacus League mobilized all its members to support them.
"Voting for the Social Democratic Party, traitors to the working class and supporters of war, is a betrayal of the workers and soldiers who died needlessly on the battlefield! Vote for the Independent Social Democratic Party! Vote for the proletariat!"
Karl Liebknecht's election campaign in Dresden, rather than his hometown of Leipzig, due to the Independent Social Democratic Party's manipulation, was a prime example of this strategy.
To support Liebknecht, members of the Spartacus League from Berlin traveled to Dresden. There, they joined hands with local councils and the Dresden branch of the Independent Social Democratic Party to conduct a massive city-wide election campaign.
However, Dresden had always been a stronghold of the Social Democratic Party (SDP). The SDP, as the established power, and the Freikorps, who supported them, couldn't stand idly by.
"Stop the motorcade campaign! Did you even get permission from the city hall for this?"
"The election is still a week away! Are you trying to disrupt our campaign? We'll report this to the Election Commission!"
"Report? This is an illegal assembly! Disperse immediately!"
And so, a violent clash erupted between the Freikorps and the Spartacus League right in the heart of the city. There was a reason this period was called the "Bloody Week."
The Freikorps, formed by armed Junkers and pro-SDP soldiers returning from the front lines, naturally had superior firepower.
However, the Spartacus League, hardened by countless street battles and already evolving into a political thug organization, didn't go down easily against the Freikorps.
The situation came to a temporary halt when the Mounted Police arrived in the heart of Dresden to break up what they dubbed "Season 15156487656596" of street fighting. At least they hadn't been pushed back too badly, and they'd even been granted permission for their election campaign. By that measure, it counted as a victory.
This scene—identical to the day before, unfolding at another election rally on another day in another place—was a common occurrence in Germany in early April 1919.
But the right-wing supporters of the Freikorps were growing increasingly impatient.
From the beginning, these groups never truly supported the Social Democratic Party (SDP). They had only been cooperating with the SDP cabinet on the condition that the government would decisively crush the left-wing.
But when they began to believe the government wasn't adequately suppressing the left-wing, they relentlessly pressured the government and started organizing unauthorized street beatings.
This naturally led to a weakening of support for the SDP, and since our party was poised to absorb those votes, our strategy was perfectly aligned.
The small buildup that began in January 1919 was now leading to major results.
And on April 6, 1919, the fruits of our labor finally ripened.
"Results from Dresden are in! In the 31st electoral district, Karl Liebknecht of the Independent Social Democratic Party has defeated Richard Schmidt of the SDP and won!"
"Whoaah!"
"In Oppeln's 10th electoral district, Rosa Luxemburg of the Independent Social Democratic Party has defeated Anton Wias of the SDP by 5.4% and is virtually certain to win!"
April 6, 1919, nightfall.
The leadership of the Independent Social Democratic Party didn't know whether to laugh or cry.
The party had achieved a stunning victory in the elections. With a national vote share of 19.7%, they secured 92 seats—a completely unexpected triumph.
They were painfully aware that their victory would have been impossible without the support of the Spartacus League.
Hugo Haase, the party leader, let out a worried sigh. Despite the Independent Social Democratic Party's all-out effort in Western Brandenburg, they failed to breach the Social Democratic Party's stronghold there.
"Is this party's leadership really going to fall into the hands of the Spartacus League?" Haase lamented as he emerged from the boisterous party headquarters, where members were celebrating their victory.
Meanwhile, the Social Democratic Party headquarters felt like a funeral. With a national vote share of just 25.8% and only 123 seats secured, they had barely managed to cling to their position as the largest party, but it was undeniably a crushing defeat.
"It's all because our party has been showing excessive weakness!"
Gustav Noske, a senior member of the SDP and a hardliner, raised his voice.
"We should have broken off the coalition with the Independent Social Democratic Party and allied with the Center Party long ago! If we had pushed aside those left-wing infantilists, we might have held Berlin!"
Friedrich Ebert was consumed by the thought of whether they really should have done things differently. He had known they would struggle in the election, but he never anticipated such a crushing defeat.
While the SDP had easily won the concurrent Presidential Election with the support of the Center Party and others, the reality of being a "major party" with less than a third of the total seats meant the government would struggle to function properly.
"Prime Minister—no, Mr. President—General Wilhelm Groener is on the phone."
"Damn it, this is what I feared."
Ebert had allied with the Military Clique on the condition that they would crush the Reds, but now that the Reds had essentially won, it was inevitable that he would receive this protest call. He swallowed hard and picked up the phone his secretary had passed him.
"Yes, this is Friedrich Ebert."
"Prime Minister, I just saw the election results in a special edition. What in the world is going on? The Independent Social Democratic Party—those Reds—have become the second-largest party in the Reichstag? How is this possible?"
Cold sweat beaded on the back of his neck.
"General, this result is due to unfortunate circumstances. Moreover, our SDP still holds the position of the largest party in the Reichstag, so if we form a proper coalition government..."
"In any case, make no mistake: the National Army can no longer trust you. Many within the Military Clique already suspect the SDP and have concluded they can no longer support you. From now on, the military will stay out of domestic conflicts. You'll have to handle the rest yourself."
Gröner's stiff announcement left Ebert gasping for air.
"But General, what on earth do you mean? Now that the Reds have become the second-largest party, shouldn't the National Army actively intervene to resolve internal conflicts?"
"We initially intended to, but we have our own dignity to consider. What do we gain by propping up the SDP, which can't even protect itself? Within the military, there are even calls for a coup. Remember that I'm the one suppressing this sentiment."
A military coup. One of the worst possible outcomes for the Republic.
He wanted to protest, but he couldn't bring himself to do it. In fact, he should be grateful that the National Army was maintaining neutrality instead of staging a coup.
"...Understood, General. Well, it's getting late, so I'll hang up now."
The phone line clicked off. He slammed the receiver down almost violently. Then he shouted to his secretary:
"Contact the Center Party and the German Democratic Party immediately. We need to discuss forming a new coalition government."
Time was of the essence. No one knew when the Military Clique might turn against the government again, and he had to prevent the victorious "Reds" from staging an uprising.
"We need a strong government now."
A coalition government, that is, to defend democracy.
***
"Our esteemed Prime Minister is furious. The election loss must have come as quite a shock."
Berlin, General Staff Office.
General Wilhelm Groener, Chief of the German Armed Forces General Staff, chuckled wryly as he recalled the earlier incident.
"How utterly pathetic they look when even the mere mention of a coup rattles them. Politicians have always been like this—frozen in panic at the slightest whiff of a coup."
"Speaking of coups, Chief of Staff," Deputy Chief of Staff Hans von Seeckt interjected.
"There are factions within the General Staff itself simulating a coup. Even General Ludendorff, our war hero, secretly supports it."
"What do you think, Junior? Should we suppress them, or should we not?"
Zekt was a year older than Gröner but considered his junior by one year of military service.
"I believe that as soldiers, we should stay out of politics. Whether there's a coup or democracy prevails, isn't a soldier's duty to serve their country?"
"And if the Reds rise up, what then?"
Zekt flinched slightly before answering.
"If they start a civil war, we'd naturally fight for Germany. But if they come to power through legal means... we'd have no choice but to serve."
"Fight for Germany, huh? You don't say 'fight for the Republic' anymore."
Zekt remained silent. Gröner turned around with a faint smile.
"Listen, Junior," he said. "Even though supporting the SDP got me cursed at within the military, I don't regret that choice. Why? Because it was the only way to protect our Fatherland, Germany, from the Communists' uprisings."
Gröner approached Zekt and placed his hand on the younger man's shoulder.
"What if we officially supported the restoration of the monarchy? The country would naturally descend into chaos. Supporting Communism is out of the question, so our only remaining option is to support the Republic. After all, we hate France and Britain even more than we hate the Republic. Am I wrong?"
"No, that's not it."
"But fools like Ludendorff and Wolfgang Kapp don't understand. We don't support the SDP because we like the Republic."
Gröner passionately argued before the silently listening Zekt.
"They're just idiots who still think Germany can be hostile toward France and Britain. If Ludendorff were to launch a coup and overthrow the Republic, France would immediately intervene and try to plant its Tricolore in Berlin. They simply don't grasp our national judgment to protect the very essence of Germany and preserve the National Army."
Zekt casually nodded. He completely agreed with Gröner's words.
France was only tolerating Germany because of pressure from Britain and the United States. It was obvious that if Germany became unstable, France would intervene under the pretext of stabilizing the country.
Germany had lost the war. As the defeated nation, it was only natural that it should bow its head to the victorious powers.
Yet far too many people in this country failed to grasp this basic truth.
"Speaking of which, I'm considering retiring soon and leaving politics. Do you plan to remain in the military, Junior?"
"Yes. Given the current situation, there's nothing to gain by retiring."
"Then please take over my position. We need trustworthy men within the military, you know. Aside from you, Junior, there's really no one else we can rely on."
Zekt nodded silently. It was better to serve as Chief of Staff and have the army under his command than to get embroiled with other political soldiers. That was certainly a wiser path than the fools who tried to stage coups.
"I believe you, Junior, being as intelligent as you are, already know this well: it's best to avoid getting entangled in politics. Even if you make reasonable judgments like I did, you'll just end up being maligned and forced out. I sincerely hope you remain in your position for a long, long time."
With that, Gröner waved his hand and left the Chief of Staff's office. Zekt stared for a moment at the empty chair where his superior had just been sitting before turning his gaze forward again.
"Absolutely not, Senior. We must remain here for a long, long time," Zekt murmured, making his vow.
Whether a coup d'état or a Communist Revolution erupted in the Republic, he vowed not to intervene.
His sole duty was to secretly nurture the German Army, avoiding the eyes of France and Britain, and thereby avenge the humiliation of the Great War. As long as the worst-case scenario—a civil war—was avoided, quietly building the army from the shadows was the wisest course.
"Well, given the current state of affairs, it does seem like a civil war might be brewing."
Still, enduring any dirtier situation was preferable to watching the finely honed German Army crumble. After all, there was no way Germany would ever fall to Communism.