Chapter 7: The October Revolution - The Red Fist
As Trotsky had predicted, the decision to pursue armed revolution marked the beginning of the Soviet's resurgence.
On October 10, 1917, following the advice of Lenin and Trotsky, who were still in exile, the Politburo of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party was established.
When I asked Trotsky what distinguished the Politburo from the existing Central Committee, he smiled broadly and replied:
"The Central Committee, as its name suggests, is responsible for handling the party's primary administrative tasks. It's also quite large, making it rather inefficient. To be honest, I'd like to abolish all such committees."
"Then what about the Politburo?"
"It's an institution that achieves maximum efficiency with the minimum number of people. There are only seven members, but they are the leaders among the leaders of the Bolshevik Party. This allows for swift decision-making without unnecessary meetings or interference from other party members. And this is confidential..."
Trotsky leaned in closer to me.
"...The Politburo will become the supreme governing body of the country after the Revolution. The newly born Soviet state will soon take the form of a single party ruling a single state. The Politburo is the means by which we will govern that state with maximum efficiency."
In other words, a "Party-State" system.
This system is best described by the phrase "The Party is the State"—a single letter change from the absolutist monarchist slogan "I am the State."
Trotsky was never the democrat we often imagine him to be. After all, how democratic could someone be who advocated for the "dictatorship" of the proletariat?
"Of course, the existence of the Politburo doesn't mean other institutions lose their power. The Central Committee will continue to manage the party's affairs, and the Supreme Soviet will retain its legislative authority. You can think of the Politburo as the highest administrative body of our party."
Here lies the fundamental difference between Trotsky and Stalin.
Trotsky didn't outright reject the party's official principle of democratic centralism. In fact, he argued that a democratic decision-making body should exist to supervise the administrative organs.
However, after coming to power, Stalin turned the Supreme Soviet into his own puppet and consolidated his power through collusion with the bureaucracy.
Trotsky had prophesied that the Soviet Union would be ruined by the bureaucracy, and his prediction proved true.
On October 16th, the Military Revolutionary Committee was established. Pavel Lazimir, an obscure figure, was appointed chairman, but the real leader was, as always, Leon Trotsky.
The committee had only one objective: to swiftly seize control of Petrograd once the revolution began.
As numerous organizations sprang up, many people, myself included, found ourselves wearing new titles. I was appointed as one of six members of the so-called "Military Revolutionary Center."
When I asked Trotsky what exactly the Military Revolutionary Center was supposed to do, he replied:
"Officially, we're a surveillance organization preparing for the imminent actions of the 'Red Fist'—the Military Revolutionary Committee, which is supposedly fighting for the revolution. You'll naturally ask why such a thing is necessary, and I'll tell you there's no real reason."
"Huh??"
"In reality, it's perfectly normal for the Military Revolutionary Committee to run amok. Common sense tells us that an armed revolution is utterly absurd. We're going to overthrow the Kerensky Provisional Government, which still appears to be the legitimate government of Russia, and that will inevitably involve violence."
"Then why does the Military Revolutionary Center even exist?"
"For appearances."
Trotsky answered my incredulous question with a curt response.
"The Military Revolutionary Committee is a subordinate body of the Petrograd Soviet, and many Menshevik deputies there still harbor doubts about Bolshevik activities. To persuade them, we need a subordinate organization that can nominally oversee the Military Revolutionary Committee."
"Are you saying that the Military Revolutionary Center is nothing more than a mechanism to silence the Mensheviks?"
"Exactly, Comrade Siyoung. Sparring with me seems to have broadened your perspective."
Trotsky laughed heartily, while I chuckled in exasperation. So, during the revolution led by the Military Revolutionary Committee, I'm supposed to just stand around twiddling my thumbs?
"Of course, the Military Revolutionary Center won't be idle. In fact, they'll be busier than anyone. They have to 'monitor' the revolution, you see."
"What do you mean by that?"
"The members of the Military Revolutionary Center are responsible for ensuring the revolution doesn't turn violent. How do you monitor violence? By rushing straight to the scene of the violence. In other words, you'll be..."
"...You mean we'll be watching the revolution unfold right before our eyes?"
"And if the revolution turns violent, we could use our positions to 'control' it. In other words..."
"You're saying we can lead the revolution with our own hands."
Now this was the Trotsky I knew. Trotsky and I shared a wicked grin. He'd already thought it all through.
Pretend to monitor the revolution while secretly leading it.
And the Military Revolutionary Committee would kindly inform me exactly where to go and what to watch.
With that, I attended the first meeting of the Military Revolutionary Center without a single worry.
But the moment I opened the conference room door, I froze.
I made eye contact with a man sporting the familiar leather cap and beard. A chill ran down my spine. Just as I was about to say something, he approached and extended his hand.
"Who are you? Aren't you the renowned Comrade Siyeong Lee? As fellow Asians, I'm ashamed I haven't greeted you sooner. It's a pleasure to meet you."
"I... it's a pleasure to meet you as well. I am Siyeong Lee."
The man greeted me with a sly smile, as if harboring some ulterior motive.
"It's a pleasure to meet you too. My name is Joseph Stalin. I'm from Georgia. I heard you're from Joseon—is that correct?"
"Ah, yes... that's correct..."
Trotsky had gone mad. What was he thinking, putting me in the same organization as Stalin?
Petrograd, the safehouse.
"The revolution is ready to begin. After the Petrograd Soviet adopted the Armed Revolution Theory, both the Politburo and the Military Revolutionary Committee approved it smoothly. We can now launch the revolution anytime and anywhere in Petrograd."
Leon Trotsky spoke with confident assurance, but quietly. Even in this supposed safehouse, they weren't completely free from the prying eyes of the Okhrana secret police—especially when his listener was none other than Comrade Lee.
"Excellent, very good. The letter I sent from Finland wasn't in vain. You've done a superb job, Comrade Trotsky. Truly outstanding. Without you, the second revolution might have been indefinitely postponed."
A smile played on Trotsky's lips as he listened to the other man's words. He wasn't usually one to be pleased by praise from others.
But this time was different.
It had been less than five months since he joined the Bolshevik Party, yet he was steadily establishing himself as the party's second-in-command in both name and substance.
He had been recognized. And by this person.
"It's quite warm in here, even indoors. I suppose it won't matter if I remove my disguise for a moment?"
"Probably not, Comrade."
He slowly began to remove the layers covering his body. As the hat and wig were taken off, Trotsky recognized the familiar face reappearing before him.
Vladimir Lenin, leader of the Bolshevik Party and commander of the Revolution.
"It's hard to remember when I last went out without disguising myself. Anyway, Comrade Trotsky, you've worked hard. We still can't leave this safehouse, but we'll see each other on the streets of Petrograd again soon."
"I understand, Comrade Lenin. That day will undoubtedly come. And we clearly know that the Petrograd Soviet's mission is to hasten that day."
Lenin nodded.
The letters he had been sending from Finland urged the Bolshevik Party to launch an uprising quickly. Within the party, Trotsky was the only one who agreed with this. For Lenin, Trotsky was an invaluable ally.
Ah, no, that wasn't it. Lenin recalled Comrade Lee, whom Trotsky had recently started mentioning. He was the one who also agreed on the necessity of an armed revolution.
For a while, Trotsky had spoken of him in a very aggressive tone, but as both Lenin and Trotsky became busier, mentions of him had dwindled.
"Come to think of it, Comrade Trotsky, how has Comrade Lee been doing lately? I remember he also supported the idea of an armed revolution."
"Ah, you mean Comrade Siyeong?"
Lenin was quite surprised that Trotsky had addressed him by his full name. As far as he remembered, Trotsky always addressed comrades by their surnames, never their given names.
Has their relationship grown that closer? Lenin's interest was piqued.
"Comrade Siyeong has recently been appointed to the Military Revolutionary Center. He's not yet at the level to be on the Military Revolutionary Committee."
"But aren't the other members of the Military Revolutionary Center also from the Central Committee? You know, people like Sverdlov and Stalin."
"That's true, but Siyeong is one of the rare few who supports armed revolution. We believe it's not unreasonable to have him on the Military Revolutionary Center."
"Is that so?"
Lenin steepled his fingers. It was a rare sight to see Trotsky, usually so cold and quick to criticize others, defending someone like this.
"Is he truly that capable?"
Trotsky nodded without hesitation. The sight of it shocked Lenin.
What kind of person could make someone as proud and arrogant as Trotsky admit to their competence?
Lenin found himself genuinely curious about this "Comrade Siyoung."
"He possesses a discernment we lack entirely. Comrade Lenin, what thoughts come to mind when you hear phrases like 'The Revolution Betrayed' or 'The Corrupt Workers' State'?"
Lenin pondered for a moment before replying.
"...Well, I understand what those words imply. Do they signify one of the worst possible outcomes for our Soviet Union?"
"That's right. I owe my ability to conceive these ideas to Comrade Siyoung. Even before the Revolution had begun, he foresaw with remarkable conviction the fundamental problems that would arise after it. If we don't marvel at such insight, then what should we marvel at?"
Lenin began to understand why Trotsky increasingly saw genius in "Comrade Siyoung." Still, he couldn't shake the feeling that Trotsky was exaggerating a bit.
But one thing was certain. Lenin smiled and spoke.
"Well, I don't know who this 'Comrade Siyoung' is, but I do feel that ever since you met him, you've become... more mature, perhaps? More grown-up?"
"What... what on earth are you talking about, Comrade Lenin?"
"The Comrade Trotsky I remember from before was someone who knew only how to criticize and tear others down, someone who really struggled to speak kindly to others. But the recent you seems quite amiable. To praise someone like this—Trotsky, you're capable of it after all."
Trotsky bowed his head deeply. Lenin could see how flushed his face had become. Chuckling, he said to Trotsky:
"Don't be so embarrassed. What I said was meant as praise. I'm simply delighted that you've become someone who can understand others' feelings and offer praise."
Lenin added with a grin:
"If you become a little more generous toward others, I won't need to worry about finding a successor."
The night in Petrograd was deepening.