Episode 11: The October Revolution - The Bud of Democracy
"Listen to me! We must cancel the election!"
"Comrade Siyoung! What on earth are you saying?!"
November 1, 1917. Ten days before the first free election in Russian history, the 1917 General Election.
I stood up to vehemently oppose the election.
***
It was a few hours earlier.
"Comrade Trotsky, I believe the General Election will be held in eleven days."
"Indeed. This election will symbolize the opening of true democratic order across All-Russia. The Tsarist regime's elections were nothing but sham votes to elect puppet legislators. Now, the era of genuine democracy will dawn upon Russia."
Trotsky spoke with confident enthusiasm about the upcoming free election. I smiled and agreed with him outwardly, but inwardly, I felt uneasy.
There was a common jest that "democracy doesn't suit Russia."
Throughout Russian history, there may have been democratic regimes, but I couldn't think of a single instance where one had succeeded. That's why I couldn't simply laugh at the joke.
Now, a new democratic order was opening in Russia? My anxiety outweighed my anticipation. Wasn't this a perfect setup for disaster?
Of course, as a modern person, I know that democracy is at least a stable and enduring system. But I couldn't help feeling that this was simply too premature.
I cautiously asked Trotsky, "What will be the voting system for the new elections? Will the country be divided into electoral districts?"
"The country will be divided into electoral districts. The elections will proceed by electing 767 Members of Parliament from a total of 81 districts. A number befitting Russia's vastness."
"Huh?"
My eyes widened in disbelief.
"767 Members of Parliament are elected from 81 constituencies? Is there any country in the world that holds elections like that?"
"Then... is there a separate proportional representation system?"
"Why would we need that? This number of MPs is more than sufficient."
"..."
Trotsky stared at me as if to ask what the problem was. As someone who had studied politics in preparation for the civil service exam, I was bursting with frustration.
A system where more than two MPs are elected from a single constituency is generally called a multi-member constituency system. Japan used to have such a system in the past, electing anywhere from one to six members per district. Nowadays, however, most countries, including Japan, use the single-member constituency system.
Dividing the entire Russian Empire into just 81 districts to elect over 700 Members of Parliament was simply insane. Even Japan, with fewer than 500 members, eventually switched to a single-member constituency system.
Honestly, I began to doubt whether the Bolsheviks even had the will to seize power at this point.
The multi-member constituency system was just like proportional representation: it led to a proliferation of small parties.
No, the multi-member system was actually the Bolsheviks kicking away their own advantage.
At least under proportional representation, seats are automatically allocated based on the vote count. Since urban populations outnumber rural populations, if all the votes were counted, the Bolsheviks might actually win.
However, implementing a multi-member constituency system would inevitably favor rural areas, leading to a situation where a party could win overwhelmingly in cities but still lose due to rural votes.
This is exactly what happened in Japan, allowing the Liberal Democratic Party to dominate for 40 years.
Come to think of it, my assumption that urban populations outnumber rural ones might be a misconception.
Russia is essentially Nigeria with snow.
If such a fallacy could still work in the 21st century, there's no way urbanization would have accelerated back in 1917.
Simple conclusion: Free elections = Bolshevik defeat.
They would lose both in terms of total vote count and number of seats.
There was no way the vote tally would favor them.
So, I abandoned Trotsky and rushed to Lenin's side.
***
"...So you're saying we shouldn't hold elections because we'll lose if we do?"
"That's right, Comrade Lenin. If we hold elections now, we're finished. In fact, we'll lose no matter what."
"..."
Lenin pressed his fingers against his forehead. This was an inevitable situation.
Since the days of the Provisional Government, the Bolsheviks had championed "bread and freedom," and elections were the flower of democracy—freedom itself.
To abandon elections now would mean completely renouncing the slogan they had been proclaiming since 1905.
"Is there any way we can win, Comrade Siyoung?"
"Ah... it's not impossible."
"What's the plan? Tell me."
"...There's something called gerrymandering."
Lenin closed his eyes and nodded. He knew what it meant, of course.
Gerrymandering is the practice of drawing electoral districts in a way that favors our party.
Imagine a region where 40,000 people support the Bolsheviks and 50,000 support the Mensheviks. Through gerrymandering, we could create one district with 30,000 Menshevik supporters, and the other two districts would each have 20,000 Bolshevik supporters and 10,000 Menshevik supporters.
This would result in a ridiculous outcome where, despite having 10,000 fewer supporters, we still win the election. Of course, the absurdity would be for our opponents, while we reap the benefits.
But Lenin's expression remained grave. It wasn't as if he was unaware of this tactic. He simply chose not to use it.
This wasn't because Lenin was an idealist with his head in the clouds.
Rather, he was a cold and thorough realist.
His decision to hold free elections wasn't due to a love of democracy, but because it aligned with the Bolshevik agenda.
Lenin fell into deep thought for a moment, then sighed audibly.
In the past, he would have brushed aside such concerns with passionate speeches about the Revolution or accusations of betraying its ideals. But now, faced with a genuine practical problem, he found himself speechless.
"Then... Comrade Siyeong."
"Yes, Comrade Lenin."
"What if we postponed the elections?"
The expected response came.
At this point, winning the elections was impossible.
We had to postpone the election and plan for the future.
If the Bolsheviks, who had already succeeded in an armed revolution once, lost the election, they would try to seize power by force. This would be a blatant violation of the principle of democracy.
And it was through such actions that the Soviet Union dug itself into the quagmire of dictatorship.
"Then... can you handle postponing the election?" Lenin asked me apologetically, but I smiled inwardly.
I was confident. As an ordinary Korean voter who had been hardened by the dogfight over electoral district boundaries at the National Assembly Building in Yeouido, such debates were child's play.
"Just leave it to me. I'll try to persuade them."
If I could score points with Lenin through this, it would be killing two birds with one stone.
November 2, 1917. Ten days remained until the General Election.
"What is the fundamental principle of democratic elections? It is the equality of votes!"
It had taken eight months to prepare for this vote.
"But the current electoral process completely disregards this principle, operating instead according to the superficial rules set by the Kerensky Provisional Government!"
I was delivering a speech aimed at overturning all that effort, and I was doing it right in the Election Commission.
"Universal suffrage, secret ballot, proportional representation—these are all fine! But for the principle of proportional representation to be applied, a perfectly conducted census must come first! But do you know when the last census in Russia was conducted?"
Looking down at the faces of the jurists and lawyers, their expressions sour, I declared triumphantly.
"It's 1897!"
Even I nearly choked when I came across this during my research.
"What country in the world holds elections based on population statistics from twenty years ago? And what's the point of adopting a proportional representation system if we're leaving out the most crucial element?"
Was this how the 1917 election was supposed to go? It's a pseudo-state by definition.
"Moreover, Russia is currently at war. With Poland, the Baltic States, and Belarus under German occupation, and Ukraine having declared independence, do you really think this election can represent the will of all Russia? Absolutely not!"
Even Britain, they say, postponed its 1914 General Election due to the war. And you're suggesting Russia, having lost half its European territory, should hold a wartime election? That's utterly absurd.
"Therefore, I, Lee Si-young, argue that holding the General Election is both morally and practically impossible at this time. It should only be held when peace with Germany is established and both domestic and international unrest has subsided!"
As the customary applause faded, a sigh of frustration echoed through the chamber. An elderly man, the epitome of a stubborn old conservative, raised his hand and addressed me.
"Very well. It's true that Russia's current situation makes holding elections difficult. But what about our committee members who have already begun preparing for the election? The people, who were brimming with anticipation for the vote, will feel betrayed. What are your thoughts on this?"
Honestly, why should I care? It's Kerensky's fault for pushing for this unrealistic election in the first place.
But saying it so bluntly was asking for a brick to the head.
"Where will all the preparation for the election go to waste? We can store the polling stations and ballot boxes away and use them after the war. And it would be better for the people to wait a few months for a completely equal and democratic election than to have their precious votes nullified by a flawed election."
I felt like I was really stretching my rhetorical skills. It was nothing compared to the month I spent relentlessly sparring with Trotsky.
The old man who had raised his hand to nitpick my words reluctantly nodded in agreement and quietly sat down, a disgruntled look on his face. He probably couldn't stop glaring at the Red Guard standing with their rifles beside me.
"Are there any objections?"
The committee members present nodded in unison. With a satisfied expression, I yielded my seat to Lenin, who smiled gratefully.
"Then we will proceed to the vote immediately. All those in favor of indefinitely postponing the Russian Legislative Assembly elections scheduled for November 12, 1917, please raise your hands."
Even without counting, it was clear that more than half had raised their hands. Lenin shouted with satisfaction:
"Then, with more than half in favor, the motion to indefinitely postpone the General Election has been passed. The resolution will be announced shortly under the authority of the Council of People's Commissars. The meeting is adjourned."
The meeting ended with applause, and Lenin nodded in farewell to me.
This was the first step toward fundamentally transforming the Soviet Union.
As expected, the Mensheviks, Cadets (Constitutional Democratic Party), Socialist Revolutionary Party, and other non-Bolshevik factions vehemently opposed the announcement to postpone the elections.
However, our justification was unassailable, and since we held the reins of power, the opposing voices quickly subsided.
The real trouble erupted elsewhere.
The so-called "Land Decree," which declared all land to be nationalized under the Bolshevik government, rapidly spread from the cities at the heart of the Revolution.
And Southern Russia, the homeland of the Cossacks—the vast community that had maintained its distinct identity—was no exception.
"The new Bolshevik government intends to eradicate our centuries-old land and traditions overnight! Cossacks, rise up!"
Initially, the voluntary army was primarily composed of Cossacks, but as generals from various regions who opposed the Bolsheviks began to rally, it evolved into a more formidable rebel force.
The Bolsheviks started to grow nervous when experienced generals, including Lavr Kornilov, who had escaped prison after the September coup, joined the rebel army.
But we couldn't remain idle either.
"Defeat the counter-revolutionaries! Defend the Revolution against Tsarism and reactionaries! Enlist in the Red Army of workers and peasants immediately!"
As 1918 approached, the Bolsheviks, under Trotsky's leadership, focused on establishing a new "Red Army" primarily composed of officers who had aligned themselves with the Bolsheviks.
The already-formed Soldiers' Soviet rushed to enlist in the Red Army, but the army suffered from a shortage of officers as many supported the White Army.
The White Army, on the other hand, had an abundance of officers but a severe shortage of soldiers.
The period between 1917 and 1918 was a time of brewing storm.
Though no major battles were fought, both sides were stockpiling their strength, preparing for the inevitable clash of souls.
And what was I doing during all this?
"My name is Lee Si-young, Nationality Commissioner of Soviet Russia. Comrade Leon Trotsky, the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, is currently occupied, so I have come in his stead."
While the family squabbled, someone had to deal with the disturbances outside.
"I didn't expect an Asian to come. I am Major General Max Hoffmann of the German Imperial Army. I am pleased to be here today for the first peace negotiations between Soviet Russia and Germany."
December 15, 1917, Brest-Litovsk.
The curtain rose on the peace negotiations that would end this wretched war.