Episode 12: The October Revolution - The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
Late 1917. As World War I reached its climax, the global situation surrounding Russia was undergoing intense and rapid changes day by day.
Trapped in the quagmire of trench warfare on the Western Front, the German Empire was gradually being pushed back by the British and French armies, who had honed their combat skills over the past three years of war.
However, on the Eastern Front, Germany had achieved victory after victory since the war's outbreak. It was Germany that had orchestrated Lenin's return to Russia to hasten its collapse, and now, after three years of waiting, they were on the verge of reaping the fruits of their scheme.
The German Army delegation from Brest-Litovsk was brimming with anticipation. After signing the peace treaty with Soviet Russia, they could redeploy their forces to the Western Front and deliver the final blow to France.
Meanwhile, Russia also needed a peace treaty.
The Kerensky Government, which had come to power during the February Revolution, had dragged out the war until it was overthrown in the October Revolution. Now that the Bolsheviks, who had long advocated for an immediate end to the war, had seized power, they had to faithfully fulfill their campaign promises.
The ceasefire served both as a justification and a practical necessity.
Lenin had championed national self-determination, calling for the liberation of oppressed minority nations. However, this doctrine proved to be a double-edged sword, weakening Soviet Russia instead.
It was the declaration of Ukrainian independence.
The Central Rada of Ukraine had proclaimed independence, and all attempts by the Bolsheviks to suppress it proved futile.
Germany was adopting a favorable stance toward Ukraine, and it was necessary to establish formal relations with them.
The impending Red-White Civil War was, of course, a major concern.
With so many troops currently engaged on the Western Front against Germany, the Red Army would have to end this war before turning to fight its internal enemies.
Though the two delegations harbored mutual misunderstandings, they independently arrived at the same conclusion. They met in Brest-Litovsk, a place that would soon become a curse to some and salvation to others, to begin negotiations.
"No annexations, no indemnities. That's what Soviet Russia wants."
"So you're not actually going to grant independence based on your vaunted principle of national self-determination? You just want us to recognize the independence of Poland, Lithuania, and Courland?"
"That would be stripping eight Russian provinces from us!"
"Now, now, let's take a thirty-minute break."
The negotiations were going nowhere.
Surprisingly, Germany presented a treaty that was more lenient than the one I remembered from the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk.
We would have to cede Poland, Lithuania, and Courland to Germany and recognize the independence of Finland, the Baltic States, and Ukraine. It wasn't as bad as I'd feared. And Belarus wasn't even mentioned.
However, the other Soviet delegations vehemently rejected even this relatively mild demand, parroting the slogan "no annexations, no indemnities" like caged birds.
I was on their side, but I couldn't understand it. After all, Germany had won the war...
"What are your plans regarding reparations?"
After the other Russian delegations left for a break, I asked the German delegation separately.
"We will consider the reparations issue later. Our Ministry of Finance is still calculating how much will be needed for compensation related to the Eastern Front. Once the figures are finalized, we plan to negotiate the exact amount through subsequent talks."
Prince Leopold von Bayern, commander-in-chief of the German Army on the Eastern Front and the highest-ranking German official present, answered. His strikingly handsome mustache was the most memorable thing about him.
"I see. Our delegates get worked up into a frenzy at the mere mention of 'reparations'."
"Well, that's just how those Bolshevik idealists are. But you, Comrade Lee, you're different. At first, I couldn't quite trust you because you're Asian, but now I realize you're the one I can actually communicate with. That's surprising. Let's have a drink after the negotiations today."
"Ah... hahaha... I'll come if you invite me."
Well, the Germans are doomed to fail after World War I anyway, so there's no point in befriending them. But strangely, I find myself liking the German delegation more than our own Russian delegates. Why is that?
I headed to the banquet hall with a cheerful heart to drink beer.
"Comrade Lee, are you out of your mind?"
Ah, this is exactly why I despise our delegation.
Lev Kamenev, whom Trotsky had denounced as an incompetent fool, came from the delegation and jabbed me with his finger, his voice rising.
"Acceptable terms? Ridiculous! Ukraine is the breadbasket of grain production, Poland is the heart of industry, and the Baltic is the center of maritime trade! If we lose these territories, newborn Soviet Russia will be crippled!"
"But Comrade Kamenev, let's be realistic. Germany has defeated Russia. Shouldn't we end this war immediately?"
"But what if Germany achieves total victory in the World War? And if this status quo persists, what then? Can you, Comrade Lee, take responsibility for the consequences?"
I couldn't bring myself to say that I was certain Germany would lose.
History had already begun to change since my arrival in Petrograd. In my memory, the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was signed in February or March 1918.
With this treaty being signed earlier than in reality, I couldn't rule out the possibility that Germany would actually capture Paris in their spring offensive.
Ultimately, I decided to take the safer route.
"But Comrade Kamenev, realistically speaking, this is undoubtedly the most lenient offer Germany could possibly make."
"This is lenient?! If we accept this, we might as well choose war!"
Kamenev, the supposed moderate, turned out to be quite warlike.
But if we get swept up in Kamenev's fervor now, we'll lose sight of what's truly possible. I spoke calmly.
"Let's assume we go to war. But can we really defeat Germany? Right now, the Red Guard consists solely of soldiers—no officers, no generals. How can an army without a command structure possibly defeat the German regular army?"
I gauged Kamenev's expression before pressing my point home.
"Isn't that why Comrade Kamenev opposed the armed revolution in the first place? Why did you oppose it then, only to support something even more reckless now?"
Kamenev had opposed the armed revolution until the very last.
After Lenin forgave him, he was able to return to the Bolshevik Party after the Revolution. But Trotsky and I saw him like a bat sees a cockroach.
"This... this..."
Just as I expected, it had gone down perfectly. Seeing Kamenev flustered, I drove home my point.
"Comrade Kamenev, immediately declaring a ceasefire is in the best interest of Russia's future. If we continue this war, we will be pushed back even further and forced to accept even worse terms. We should accept Germany's terms right now."
"...I'll ask Comrade Trotsky in Petrograd."
What? That guy who hates Trotsky so much is actually consulting him? My jaw dropped as I watched Kamenev rush off to send a telegram to Petrograd.
"I've decided to come myself. Good work, Comrade Siyeong. From now on, I'll take charge."
Having received the telegram, Trotsky rushed to Brest-Litovsk without a moment's hesitation. But why did you ask me to go in the first place if this was going to happen?
"I'm sorry, but our negotiation terms have changed slightly."
Major General Max Hoffmann of the German delegation spoke with weary eyes. What? did you receive a telegram from Berlin last night?
"The German Empire has decided to annex northern Poland (Płock)."
"But that violates the principle of no annexations, no indemnities!"
Is that really so important? Trotsky delivered a passionate speech, but I remained indifferent.
"According to the theory of national self-determination, one of the fundamental principles of our Soviet state, every nation has the right to determine its own fate free from the interests of other nations! Yet despite the majority of the population in the Płock region being Polish..."
"Um, Comrade Trotsky."
Predicting roughly what Trotsky was about to say, I urgently shut down the motor in his mouth.
"Let's just roughly negotiate. We're not in a hurry, are we? If we delay any further, the White Army will gain more momentum. You don't want that, do you?"
"No, but if we wait a little longer, our allies will collapse in a revolution..."
"At least for now, they won't collapse. You can trust me on that."
This guy, he's smart, but his head is too full of flowers.
Does he really believe a revolution will break out in Germany tomorrow? Even if I guarantee it, it will take at least another year.
"No, this is still a betrayal of the international proletariat..."
"Betrayal or not, we need to survive. Is this the time to be picky? Continuing this war here would be a betrayal of the Russian proletariat. So let's sign it today, if possible."
Trotsky's eyes were practically screaming at me, Look at this bastard!
But when he realized the German delegation was right in front of us, he cleared his throat and switched back to his official demeanor.
"Then, ahem, we fully understand the German delegation's request. We'll need to consult our government first, so let's proceed. We'll provide an answer by tonight."
That settled it.
I'd finally convinced the thick-headed Trotsky.
But the real trial was only beginning.
"Comrade Siyeong, have you truly lost your mind?"
"You're saying exactly what Comrade Kamenev said the day before yesterday!"
"The Allied Powers will collapse soon! If we can buy enough time, revolutions will erupt in Germany, Austria, Bulgaria, the Ottoman Empire—anywhere! Why don't you understand that?"
No, I understand perfectly well. It's just that it's not true.
"If you're confident we can hold out for a year, I have no objection to breaking the treaty. But if we delay for a year, I can guarantee that the German Army will reach Petrograd and Moscow!"
Even if a revolution breaks out in an Allied Power, our deaths would render it meaningless. No, I must not die before the others. I don't want to die yet.
Moreover, the counter-revolutionary forces are still rampant in Russia. In Petrograd alone, those who opposed the revolution and supported the Provisional Government were still walking around freely.
To postpone the peace treaty in this situation? That's absurd.
"Let's just sign it cleanly now. If we delay any further, we'll collapse before Germany. And if we collapse, the German Revolution will fail too."
Trotsky groaned and rubbed his forehead.
"Comrade Siyoung, I'm asking because everything you've said so far has been correct, but... is there really no other way?"
"There is no other way. The only path is to sign the peace treaty immediately," I answered firmly. There were no tricks here.
As far as I remembered, in actual history, Russia had to sign a treaty with far harsher terms than what Germany was offering here. Perhaps they had been stubborn at this point, leading to war.
But I couldn't let such foolishness be repeated here, at least not while I was here.
"Then... Comrade Siyeong."
"Yes, Comrade Trotsky."
"Could you sign it?"
"What?"
Are you trying to avoid responsibility here? You're the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs!
"Um... well, since you're the one who decided to sign the peace treaty... you should be the one to sign it."
I understand. If I break the principle of "no annexations, no indemnities" and sign this Peace Treaty here, I'll face immense political criticism.
That label will probably follow me until the Soviet Union collapses.
Sigh. It's just easier to be the scapegoat.
This way, I can rack up another debt to Comrade Trotsky...
"Very well. Then, Comrade, please inform the German delegation that we accept their terms. I will sign the treaty tomorrow."
"...Thank you, Comrade Siyoung. As always."
Trotsky left the delegation room with a desolate air.
Russian Socialist Federative Republic
Siyeong Lee, People's Commissar for National Affairs, Council of People's Commissars
The shutter clicked as I finished signing last. Beside me, the delegations from the Allied Powers chattered and laughed.
If this is Russia's version of the Eulsa Treaty, am I Yi Wan-yong? I wondered. Did Yi Wan-yong also believe this was an unavoidable choice?
Still, I felt at least a glimmer of shame. No wonder everyone tried to avoid signing.
"Thank you for your hard work these past few days, Herr Lee," said the German official. "Let this treaty be the final step to end the war between the German Empire and Soviet Russia."
General von Bayern extended his hand to me with a smile. I gritted my teeth and shook it. Damn it, let's see who's laughing next year.
"Thank you for your hard work, General von Bayern. I hope this treaty serves as a cornerstone for building a good relationship between Germany and Soviet Russia."
The flash went off, and we both turned to face the camera simultaneously.
On December 24, 1917, Christmas Eve, the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was signed, ending the Eastern Front of World War I.
Needless to say, the photograph of me with von Bayern was preserved for posterity.