21 August 1947 — Central Legislative Assembly, New Delhi
The chamber was beginning to feel the weight of the day. After the heated sessions on the Right to Education and Pension Reform, most members expected the Education Minister's part to be done.
But Saraswati Devi, now standing with her thick leather-bound folder titled Draft Educational Model, calmly adjusted her glasses.
"The final segment," she announced, "concerns structure, continuity, and fairness."
The hall groaned faintly — yet every ear remained tuned. Her earlier precision had already established her as one of the most formidable speakers in the new government.
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The Structure of Schooling
"Schooling," she began, "will be divided into three tiers."
She read aloud the table in front of her.
> KG-1 to Class 6: Primary (Compulsory)
Class 7 to Class 9: Middle
Class 10 to Class 13: High
No opposition arose.
As the stenographers scribbled, she explained that the 13-year model was meant to mirror the Indian Ashram system, allowing academic, physical, and moral development to mature together.
"By Class 13," Saraswati said, "a student will be 18 to 19 years old — legally an adult — but still within the educational system. This gives them a bridge year to think, to decide. Not everyone must rush to college at 17."
A few nodded approvingly.
She did not mention the Sex Education module planned in Class 6 — she knew that battle would come later.
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College and Career Pathways
"All undergraduate and postgraduate degrees," she continued, "shall normally be completed by 25 or 26 years of age. That marks the end of Brahmacharya Ashram. Medical degrees shall have two years' extension for residency."
The idea was radical but disciplined — education synchronized with age, stage, and societal role.
Then came the section that would ignite storms for decades.
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Reservations and Fairness
Saraswati turned the page, her tone cooling.
"In Primary Education," she said, "there will be no reservations. Everyone shall receive the same education — as citizens, not categories."
Murmurs began.
"And finally," she said, looking straight at the Speaker, "college and university admissions."
She spoke methodically, as if anticipating every objection.
> "Eighty-five percent of the seats will be purely on merit.
35 % marks from National Board Examinations (Class 12)
40 % from Entrance Examinations relevant to subject and region
10 % from Class 13 Projects, which may include industrial apprenticeships, research, or national-level achievements in sports or innovation."
Pages rustled across benches. She continued:
> "The remaining 15 % shall be reserved under economic parameters — not religion, not caste.
10 % for candidates under Extreme Poverty Line
5 % for candidates under Poverty Line, income thresholds to be determined annually by the Finance Ministry."
She looked up.
"These students will study free of cost — tuition, books, and hostel. If they choose to live outside, that is their expense. The point is upliftment, not entitlement."
Silence. Some scribbled; others stared.
"For postgraduate programs," she added, "there will be no reservation. The government will assist those unable to pay, but admission shall be only by merit."
Then she turned a final page.
"And one more clause — if a student receives admission through reservation, their descendants will not be eligible for the same benefit. The purpose is to elevate more families, not to create dynasties of privilege."
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The Reaction
For a full five seconds, the chamber froze.
Then, the uproar began.
Benches of the Scheduled Caste Federation thundered in protest. Some of the "minority representatives" shouted "discrimination!" and "betrayal!"
Across the aisle, a few members applauded under their breath.
The Speaker's gavel pounded for order.
And then, slowly, Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar rose from his seat.
The room quieted instantly.
His face was unreadable — sharp, restrained, blazing behind the calm.
The Education Minister met his gaze across the floor.