"Now, Edgar, you can't put it that way.
This whole setup wasn't something Valentino could pull off alone. Without everyone's cooperation, he never could've created such a favorable situation.
And now, when it's time to reap the rewards, he runs off to France? Please. With or without him, the machine will keep running.
He's younger than all of us—and the richest man in the world. Sooner or later, this world will be his.
But if it's already his now, how are we old men supposed to live with ourselves?
You've been in politics your whole life, commanding the winds and rain—are you really willing to bow and scrape before him?"
Robert Taft spoke slowly.
If Hoover didn't know Leo so well—his meticulousness, his ruthlessness—he might actually have been persuaded by Robert's words.
But Hoover knew better. He had never seen anyone get the upper hand on Leo.
There was no way Leo went to France without a contingency plan.
Anyone who believed Robert's talk would suffer for it.
Hoover admitted it—he feared that young man.
After all, who wouldn't fear someone who, in just over five years, had risen to become the world's richest man and could shake the very core of America?
Hoover had remained Director of the FBI for so many years because he was a man of clarity—he knew exactly where to stand.
So he suppressed the temptation to side with Robert. Instead, a thought crossed his mind: Why not test him a little? Find out who else is disloyal to Leo—and later, I can show where my loyalties lie.
He said coolly, "From what you're saying, Robert, this isn't just your opinion—it's a consensus among many, isn't it?"
"You don't need to fish for information, Edgar," Robert replied. "I'll tell you directly—it's the consensus of the Republican Party leadership!
And the next presidential candidate, General Eisenhower, has no intention of being another Truman.
He can be supported by capital—but he will never be owned by one capital!"
Hoover snorted.
"Robert, if someone else said that, I might believe it.
But you—I know your condition.
Frankly speaking, you might not live to see Eisenhower leave office.
And your son, Rick—he's deeply tied to Mr. Valentino.
You're just hedging your bets, dying early so you offend no one, and trying to trick me in the process. I'm not falling for that. Goodbye."
"Hahaha, as sharp as ever, Edgar.
But I wasn't lying. I said it myself—I believe America's future belongs to Leo. That's why I support my son's alliance with him.
But right now, we'd like a bit of comfort.
Let's be straightforward, Edgar—are you in or not?"
"My answer's the same as before: unless you invite Mr. Valentino back, or he personally calls me, I won't disrupt the current balance."
Hoover's tone was final.
Robert shook his head and left the FBI headquarters, returning to his Capitol Hill office.
Inside, the room was packed with Republican power brokers, all waiting to hear the outcome of his meeting with Hoover.
The only one absent was Thomas Morton—the Democrat-turned-Republican.
Seated at the center was General Eisenhower, now officially a Republican and preparing to run for president.
This matter directly affected his future authority—no wonder he was the most anxious.
As soon as Robert entered, Eisenhower jumped up.
"Well, Robert? How did it go?"
Robert Taft forced a bitter smile and shook his head.
The room deflated. Eisenhower swung his arm in frustration and cursed,
"Damn that loyal dog, Edgar!"
"Is there really no other evidence besides Edgar's files?
I've kept every newspaper from those politicians Samuel convinced to speak out,"
said Dewey, the man who'd lost his presidential bid because of Leo.
"It's useless," Robert sighed. "Public statements aren't court testimonies. They can always apologize and claim ignorance.
The real issue is that warrant—where did it come from? Who signed it? What procedures did it go through? Who approved them?
We don't know any of that. Truman and the DuPonts probably do—but they'll never tell us.
The only man who might know is Edgar. And after these past few days of testing, I'm certain—he has the files.
In fact, I suspect Leo anticipated all this and ordered those documents collected from the start."
"This won't do," said Earl. "Let's just have Thomas invite Mr. Valentino back.
I think Leo's refusal to let his media report on the Peninsula situation isn't just to pressure Truman and the DuPonts—it's a warning to us as well.
If news of America's failures keeps spreading, the people will lose faith in the government.
Truman may not need that faith anymore—but we will, once we're in office."
At that, Eisenhower suddenly stood up.
"If we can't change this, then we'll go ourselves.
Earl—you're my running mate. You and I will go to France and bring Mr. Valentino back."
He turned to Robert.
"Robert, call Edgar. Tell him to expect a call from Valentino. Once he hears from him, he'll act.
We must move fast—before Valentino's media outlets spread the Peninsula failure across every paper in America."
Soon after, the Republicans set their plan in motion. A few days later, Eisenhower and Earl arrived in Provence.
"Taste this," Leo said, pouring them each a glass of red wine. "The vintage here is exquisite."
"Leo, we're friends—you know why we're here," Earl said sincerely.
"MacArthur's loss benefits us all—but let's stop there.
We still need the federal government's structure intact.
And it's time to strike back at those who tried to destroy you.
Everyone back home is waiting for you to return and take charge."
Leo took a sip of wine, nodded, and smiled faintly.
"I know. That's why I've kept my restraint in the media.
But I'm in no rush to return. They've accused me of tax evasion.
Before I go back, the American people must first believe I'm innocent.
I'm happy you came—let's enjoy the beauty of Provence together.
As for home—well, I'm sure someone will see to clearing my name, won't they?"
His tone was warm and polite, but the undercurrent of menace made Earl wipe sweat from his brow.
He heard the double meaning loud and clear:
First, Leo resented their earlier neutrality when he was attacked;
Second, this was a warning—my next move depends on your stance.
"Of course, Mr. Valentino," Eisenhower said quickly. "We'll stand by you and help restore your reputation.
But the evidence is in Edgar's hands. We'll need you to call him personally."
Leo smiled.
"My innocence is a small matter—the future of America is the real issue.
If the world's richest man can be arrested so easily, how can capital ever trust America again?"
He picked up the phone and called Edgar right there in front of them.
Earl rolled his eyes. One moment he says his innocence doesn't matter; the next, he's using it as leverage for 'America's future.' This young man's face is thicker than mine after seventy years of politics.
Leo then insisted the two stay at his estate for wine and conversation—while he privately phoned Hoover again.
On the call, Hoover gave him a full report of everything that had happened.
Leo immediately sensed the truth—some within the Republican Party were trying to cut him out, including the future president himself, Eisenhower.
That confirmed his suspicions.
So now that Eisenhower had come in person, Leo decided: until everything was settled, Eisenhower wasn't leaving France.
Why should he?
The Republicans' majority in Congress came thanks to him.
Now he would teach them a lesson:
"What I give, you may take. What I don't give, you cannot steal."
With Leo's signal, Hoover promptly handed the complete chain of evidence to Robert Taft—and sent a backup to Democrat Henry Wallace.
Leo had deliberately kept the Democrats quiet earlier—for this moment.
The counterattack began.
The first shot was fired by Le Monde and The New Times, which published Leo's meticulously prepared income and tax records.
He became the first billionaire in American history to openly disclose his full tax details.
Public opinion swung instantly in his favor—especially when it was revealed that his tax exemptions came from massive donations to veterans' funds and charities, exceeding what he owed in taxes.
People began to see him not as a scandalous playboy, but as a responsible, old-school capitalist.
The second shot came from Hoover.
The FBI officially reported to Congress that there was no evidence of Soviet spies in Washington and that the "counterintelligence operation" was an illegal abuse of power.
The Bureau of Investigation laid out a detailed chain of violations, prompting the Republican-controlled Congress to form a bipartisan inquiry.
The committee's chair: Republican Robert Taft.
Vice chair: Democrat Henry Wallace.
Naturally, news of the "no spy" finding leaked immediately—deliberately.
Truman, Alfred DuPont, Roland Morgan, and Samuel tried to suppress it—but they couldn't.
America's major media outlets weren't theirs to control anymore—they belonged to Leo.
Within days, the revelation spread nationwide.
Under Leo's subtle media guidance, people connected the dots: Leo's sudden return to L.A., the governors' vote to arrest him, the fake spy hunt—it all fit together.
Soon, southern politicians were calling for a congressional probe into whether Leo had been politically persecuted.
Western politicians went further, declaring,
"In a capitalist nation like ours, if even the richest man can be arrested arbitrarily, what investor will ever trust America again?"
Meanwhile, Samuel and his allies tried to fight back—but MacArthur's humiliating military defeat shattered their aura of invincibility.
The nation silently stopped mentioning the Far East disaster.
The tide had turned.
Even their own supporters began quietly reaching out to Leo's camp—ready to jump ship.
But Leo wasn't done yet.
He fired his third shot—a public campaign.
By now, Americans were tired of the Democrats' twenty-year rule.
Leo's media fanned that exhaustion into anger:
foreign failures, domestic corruption, and the political persecution of the nation's richest man.
Public resentment toward Truman and the Democrats reached its peak.
"It's time, Wallace," Leo said over the phone.
He wanted Wallace to use the momentum to persuade moderate Democrats and financiers to defect—pinning the party's losses and disgrace squarely on Truman, DuPont, Morgan, and Samuel.
The plan worked—many wavered.
Then came the fifth shot—the streets erupted in protest.
As the investigation committee released more details, it became undeniable: there had never been any spies, and the warrant for Leo's arrest was illegitimate.
It was, as everyone now saw, a political persecution.
The FBI arrested two district judges and two congressmen in Washington.
But when agents moved to detain IRS Director Coleman, the IRS resisted violently—sparking national outrage.
Taxation was sacred in America—next to birth and death, it was the one certainty of life.
For the IRS to defy federal law was unthinkable.
And as Coleman's defiance drew attention, so too did the people behind him.
The war Leo started—his war for control of America's destiny—had only just begun.