Chapter 601: The Song of Poland · Conclusion
The Patriot Party, having received 200,000 zlotys from Vatican aid, temporarily put aside their push for "religious freedom."
Prince Poniatowski nodded in satisfaction and continued:
"Regarding the nobility's estates—so long as they exhibit virtue and act as defenders of liberty and the constitution, we should affirm the legitimacy of their ownership and ensure the safety of their lands and other properties."
This statement was immediately met with unanimous praise from the Hetman Party, a conservative faction of the nobility.
One Hetman Party leader from Ukraine cautiously added:
"Your Highness, there's still the matter of noble privileges…"
"Yes, privileges." Prince Poniatowski gestured to the Patriot Party to remain calm and said,
"For those privileges that are harmless, I believe they should be preserved. However, any privilege deemed harmful to other citizens will be subject to a vote in the Sejm."
This was precisely the rhetoric Sieyès had taught him. First, placate the conservative nobles—after all, they held over a quarter of the seats in the Sejm. Keeping them on board was crucial for the constitution's success.
In practice, promises to protect noble privileges were largely symbolic. As long as the Sejm later declared certain privileges "harmful," they could be abolished under constitutional law.
The Hetman Party leaders exchanged glances, and seeing no objections among them, they tacitly approved the clause.
Prince Poniatowski moved to the next item:
"Regarding the proposal by Mr. Kołłątaj for 'equality of all Polish citizens,' I suggest we hold off on addressing this in the current legislation…"
The Patriot Party immediately erupted in protest:
"How can this be allowed?"
"If equality cannot be achieved, what's the point of the constitution?"
"You are depriving the people of the very rights this constitution should protect!"
The prince raised his hand, motioning for calm.
"We must avoid overwhelming the nation with abrupt changes. Besides, this proposal is largely symbolic. Provisions guaranteeing the safety of citizens' lives and property, the right to purchase land, and the eligibility of any citizen to serve as a military officer or government official will all remain intact."
The Patriot Party, striving for unity, reluctantly relented.
After all, if ordinary citizens could enjoy protections over their personal safety and property and had access to public office and land ownership, most of the practical aspects of equality were already assured. The nobility would retain only ceremonial and minor privileges.
Joseph had foreseen that, in Europe at this time, a statement like "all men are born free and equal" would provoke fierce opposition.
Historically, this very clause in the May 3rd Constitution cost Poland the support of nearly every nation except revolutionary France. Joseph had explicitly warned Sieyès to avoid such a declaration.
Voting Reform in the Sejm
Prince Poniatowski moved to the next item:
"Now, we will finalize the clauses regarding the Sejm. The Sejm will adopt majority voting for decisions—no individual shall have veto power."
This was a monumental change. Previously, Poland's "liberum veto" allowed any single noble in the Sejm to nullify decisions, often leading to legislative paralysis.
Acting on Joseph's advice, the prince and the king had already passed an emergency decree suspending the liberum veto for three years. This had significantly smoothed the path for constitutional reform.
At this announcement, the progressive factions in the room erupted in applause. They had long despised the liberum veto.
The prince also read out provisions on Sejm member elections, anti-bribery measures, and other reforms before closing the draft.
Compared to the May 3rd Constitution, this draft avoided abolishing serfdom, eliminating the election of kings in favor of hereditary monarchy, or introducing a three-branch government with checks and balances.
These elements had been the idealistic dreams of Poland's reformers.
For example, the clause on noble taxation (the "noble tithe") not only failed to raise significant revenue but also alienated most nobles and clergy.
Under Joseph's streamlining and Sieyès' meticulous revisions, the new constitution avoided such pitfalls, significantly reducing its potential to provoke opposition.
A Historic Day for Poland
On December 6, 1791, the Sejm convened its constitutional assembly, and all of Warsaw was gripped by tension and anticipation.
Crowds filled the streets surrounding the assembly hall. Unlike the furtive secrecy of the May 3rd Constitution, the mood was calm but expectant.
Police bustled around the city, not to maintain order but to handle a spate of mysterious incidents.
Eliminating Opposition
Across the Narew River in a suburban villa, officers inspected the lifeless body of Baron Ossiskiewicz.
Nearby, a grieving widow wailed inconsolably, supported by servants.
A police official cleared his throat and informed her,
"We regret to inform you that Baron Ossiskiewicz appears to have accidentally fallen from the balcony."
Watching from a distance, a hooded operative from the Freedom and Security Committee turned and walked away.
This former member of the Bar Confederation, a staunch patriot, had assassinated the baron the night before but staged the scene to look like an accident.
Baron Ossiskiewicz, a staunch pro-Russian delegate, would undoubtedly have cast a vote against the constitution in the Sejm that day. For that reason, he had to die.
He wasn't the only casualty. Over the past few months, more than a dozen pro-Russian delegates had been "cleared." Former members of the Bar Confederation, unafraid of death, were responsible for many of these assassinations. A decade earlier, they had dared to kidnap their own king; killing a few delegates barely fazed them.
Blocking the Traitors
Meanwhile, on Świętokrzyska Street, the Count Branicki, a prominent member of the pro-Russian Targowica Confederation, found his carriage halted by armed soldiers.
He jumped out, fuming:
"Do you idiots know who I am?"
Noticing the soldiers' insignia, his face darkened:
"You're Prince Poniatowski's guards?"
"Yes, Count," a captain saluted him. "There's unrest ahead. For your safety, we must ask you to remain here."
"Rubbish! I'm on my way to the Sejm to vote!" Branicki barked.
Undeterred, the captain signaled to his men. As the count ordered his coachman to turn back, two soldiers approached and deftly disabled the carriage's axle.
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