The next morning, it was still raining in northern Rivne. After getting dressed and washed, Simon glanced at the two sisters lying on the bed—one truly asleep, the other pretending—and after giving a few casual instructions, he kissed Eve on the cheek, noticing the tremble of her lashes. Smiling, he left the room without another word.
They were scheduled to leave in the morning.
After breakfast with Celia, Simon and his group departed the hot springs estate and headed into Rivne city. On the way, he continued discussing some work matters with Celia.
Celia Miller and Emily Joplin would stay a while longer in Ukraine, primarily to oversee a corporate acquisition that Simon was finalizing. Maxim Noskov, Yekaterina's father, was managing the Westeros Group's fertilizer business in Ukraine, which was set for another expansion with the acquisition of a large fertilizer plant in Odessa in southern Ukraine. Cersei Capital's Apollo Management Company would send a team to assist in this acquisition.
Ukraine, once poised to be Eastern Europe's foremost power with the USSR's valuable assets, had been mismanaged by a string of ambitious leaders. Its future now lay largely in maintaining its status as an agricultural giant.
Modern agriculture is inseparable from chemical fertilizers.
Simon's plan was to continuously acquire companies to control over half of Ukraine's fertilizer market, effectively dominating over half of the country's agricultural production. This influence could then extend further into other Eastern European nations.
In other areas, Simon had also instructed Celia to follow up on proposals from Andrei Vademirko and Alexander Nagyev, who were responsible for the vacation and entertainment business. While he wasn't providing additional funds, Simon agreed that profits from three vacation projects could be directly reinvested into further expansions if they could get the other shareholders on board.
There was also the media company Rivne Media and Entertainment, managed by Alexander Lyudayev, Lyudayeva's uncle. This company served as Westeros Group's local mouthpiece in Ukraine, with its primary goal to gradually expand its influence, as with the upcoming launch of the "Saintess Group," which would release its first Russian-language album in the CIS region next month.
In regions like the CIS, similar to China, the cultural and entertainment industries were plagued by piracy, meaning music albums generated little profit. The purpose of launching the Saintess Group was to bolster influence. Like Western entertainment icons, these public figures could eventually sway public political leanings.
The largest asset holder, Aldek Company, was in the hands of Sergei Komorov, in whom Simon had great trust. Aldek was mainly focused on integrating and expanding the diverse businesses it had acquired over the past years to control all aspects of the Rivne region's economy.
Finally, there was also some final work in the "mowing operations."
Most issues were settled locally.
Celia would next travel to Kyiv to conduct essential negotiations with the Kuchma administration.
As for the minor moves made by the French, Celia's efficiency was commendable. On the U.S. East Coast this morning, The New York Times would publish an article exposing further details on the Rwandan genocide, with direct allegations against the French government. It was bound to cause quite a stir.
The French NGO team active around Kyiv would also be expelled from Ukraine.
Meanwhile, Simon was also contemplating a new plan and thus changed his original itinerary to return to North America, instead opting to make a stop in Italy.
Upon reaching Rivne's western airport, Simon's private Boeing 767 was already prepared for takeoff. The core leaders of Westeros Group in Ukraine came to see him off, and Simon exchanged farewells with each one before boarding.
It was about 9:00 a.m. in Ukraine's Kyiv timezone.
The mother-daughter duo, the Shulchikinas, had stayed in Russia to be with family for a few days, and Celia, along with her team, remained in Ukraine. Aside from the security, maid, and crew on the Boeing 767, only Simon and the designated "A Lady" were on board.
Ukraine is an hour ahead of Italy.
Rivne to Milan is just over a thousand kilometers, and when Simon arrived at Milan Malpensa International Airport, it was still only around nine in the morning.
He had visited Italy only days before.
Sophia Fessi, who had been in Milan recently, was pleasantly surprised by Simon's return. Even when Simon openly mentioned he intended to "arrange some bad deeds," it didn't matter. She canceled her engagements for the day to accompany him in a villa halfway up the hill on the shores of Lake Como, just north of Milan, ready to partake in his schemes.
Though she didn't fully understand his plans.
Simon contacted a political consultancy agency to investigate France's immigration policies, including the major individuals, organizations, and parties supporting or opposing relaxed immigration policies. He also activated the Westeros family's intelligence network in Europe to examine France's illegal immigrant networks, including the locations where they concentrated, their survival methods, and the underground groups that supported them. Finally, he engaged Westeros's dark forces to collaborate with this intelligence network and investigate global smuggling networks to France, including smuggling organizations, routes, and costs.
By the afternoon, French President Chirac personally called Simon.
The trigger was an article published that morning on the U.S. East Coast by The New York Times, attributed to the Rwandan government, titled, "Rwandan Prosecutors Discover New Evidence of French Military Involvement in Genocide."
While Rwanda's civil war had ended two years prior, the investigation into that horrific genocide continued.
The article, accompanied by a harrowing photograph of a mass grave from the genocide, claimed that, through the interrogation of several war criminals, Rwanda had confirmed that the French military had been involved in planning and instigating the massacre, even participating in the slaughter of Tutsi civilians. Rwanda's government called for the international community's attention to the matter and urged the Hague International Criminal Court to jointly investigate France's alleged crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and aggression during the Rwandan civil war.
After The New York Times published the article, several leading web portals, including Egret and AOL, immediately featured it on their front pages.
Since the end of the Rwandan war, accusations of French involvement in the genocide had persisted.
In the original timeline, even decades later, every time the genocide's anniversary came around, the Rwandan government would habitually call out the French government, leading to vehement denials from France. And then it would usually end there.
Without Simon's involvement, a small country in Central Africa would have made little impact on Western society, regardless of the accusations.
But this was different now.
With The New York Times—a credible international newspaper—taking the lead, and several portals with millions of users amplifying it, this yellow stain was thrown squarely in France's face. The article's release, regardless of outcome, would deal a serious blow to France's international image, with consequences far worse than the French article accusing Simon of establishing a colony in Ukraine.
The potential for this narrative to persist was high, cementing France's negative image in the public eye. When people thought of France, instead of Paris and sophistication, they'd think of a country responsible for instigating racial genocide in Africa, much as people associate Germany with the Nazi Holocaust and Auschwitz.
Imagine someone planning a trip to Paris, remembering France's inhumane actions, and deciding otherwise. Or someone considering purchasing a French product, remembering the genocide, and deciding against it. Or even someone weighing collaboration with a French company but reconsidering because of potential backlash.
Even domestically, the newly elected President Chirac, a staunch right-wing politician, had advocated "Chiracism," an agenda aimed at reviving France's influence on the international stage across politics, economics, and the military. But, as Simon saw it, his approach echoed the slogan of a certain future leader: "Make France Great Again."
After this scandal, though, France might be forced to address the Rwandan genocide much like former West German Chancellor Willy Brandt's famous gesture of kneeling to apologize for atrocities during World War II.
And the most crucial aspect? The Westeros Group actually possessed tangible evidence.
Two years ago, during the Rwandan civil war, Westeros Group's private army captured a French advisory team, and though they didn't hand the team over to the Rwandan government, they conducted their own private interrogations, which included confessions extracted through coercion. These testimonies and video recordings were sufficient to mire the French government.
Thus, Chirac's anger on the call was fully justified.
But Simon didn't relent, forcefully demanding Chirac account for the continual provocations in Ukraine; otherwise, Simon warned, he might act irrationally.
Hanging up, Simon moved toward the sofa, pulled Sophia close, and watched the live broadcast of the French government's emergency press conference on TV.
The scene was chaotic.
Sophia, nestled against Simon, ran her hand along his waist and remarked, "I think it's the French military's upper echelon, still unwilling to let go of their defeat two years ago, who are instigating this."
Simon nodded, "I'll have someone investigate, but Chirac may end up offering an explanation soon enough."
"You've really pushed the French authorities to their limit this time," she said.
Simon replied, "They've been relentlessly pressing me like an annoying dog. Otherwise, I'd have no interest in wasting time on them."
Sophia, resting her head on his shoulder, asked, "Aren't you worried about the Westeros Group's businesses in France?"
"Hardly," Simon replied, with a hint of amusement. "When it comes to business, who's more successful than I am? If they target my interests, I
'll target theirs." Then, as if struck by a sudden idea, he called out to the "A Lady" nearby, "A, I recall the federal government recently amended the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. Find me a copy, please."
The "A Lady" nodded and resumed her work.
Sophia asked, "That law—what does it do?"
Simon smirked, "It's an intriguing one."
Sophia rolled her eyes at his coyness, and as she did, the young cow-patterned cat, Luna, a gift to her mother last year, sauntered over. Calling the cat, the one-year-old feline gracefully jumped into her lap, glancing at Simon before curling up for a nap.
Petting the cat, Sophia mused aloud, "I think I understand why you're investigating this immigration angle?"
"Hmm?"
She gave Simon another exasperated look, "You're terrible! I just remembered reading about 'reverse colonization' in a magazine article. The piece was in a right-wing French paper from three years ago, discussing the repeal of birthright citizenship. You're planning to 'reverse colonize' France."
Reverse colonization—quite literally.
A few centuries ago, European imperial powers colonized the world. Now, the descendants from those once-colonized regions were streaming into Europe's prosperous nations, turning the tables.
France had become a "model" for reverse colonization; the most obvious evidence was its national soccer team, which resembled an African team. French law even prohibited racial statistics, so the French themselves didn't know how many foreigners lived among them.
Simon planned to accelerate this process of reverse colonization in France.
Few others could attempt such a feat, but Simon had the power. His plan was to covertly pour a few hundred million dollars annually into altering France's immigration policies, funding illegal smuggling networks, and more.
Simon had the money, and he had the patience.
Just as one Silicon Valley magnate took ten years to bankrupt a news site that had once reported on him, Simon could wait ten or twenty years.
Imagine France's landscape in two decades, transformed.
Referencing the decline of South Africa and adding other strategies, like using extraterritorial laws to dismantle French corporate giants, Simon was convinced that the proud "Gallic Rooster" could no longer sustain its status as a developed nation.
Simon wasn't one to hold grudges.
But when he did, few could withstand the full might of the Westeros Group.
Then he remembered Sophia was French. Sensing her mock displeasure, he turned to her with a grin, "I almost forgot you're from France. Sophie, if you feel this is inappropriate, just ask me, and I'll let them off."
"My citizenship is Swiss now," she replied, still petting the cat, meeting Simon's gaze. "Besides, you're my man and my child's father. I'll stand by you, whatever you choose to do."
Moved, Simon kissed her.
The cat meowed in annoyance and jumped away.
Nearby, the "A Lady" glanced over, then returned to her work, her cheeks slightly flushed.
In Moscow, it was also afternoon.
In an office within the Kremlin, Yeltsin listened to a briefing on the Rwanda incident targeting France and dismissed the staffer, turning to his daughter Tatyana, "So, Westeros didn't come to Moscow?"
"No, Father. He went to Milan this morning and likely won't return."
Yeltsin picked up a personnel dossier from his desk, opened it, glanced at the photo of a balding middle-aged man, then asked, "And what do you think of this incident?"
"France must have done something to anger Westeros. If you feel it's necessary, we can investigate." Tatyana paused and continued, "But I think this also shows that Westeros is a reliable ally. I believe the French government will ultimately have to bear this. They'll likely need to spend some money to placate Rwanda and prevent further commotion."
Yeltsin turned a page in the dossier and raised it, "And this man?"
"I've reviewed his file thoroughly and gathered additional information. He's highly capable. While Sobchak is a mere scholar who indulges in rhetoric, this man handled most of Saint Petersburg's city governance in recent years, pulling Sobchak out of crisis multiple times. He even earned a nickname—the 'Gray Eminence of Smolny Palace.' I think he meets your two criteria for a successor: loyalty and competence."
Yeltsin looked at his daughter, "Tanya, he's loyal to Sobchak, who was once his teacher and mentor. Do you think he'll be loyal to me, given my opposition to Sobchak?"
Her father's deepening suspicion made Tatyana speak gently, "Father, he's very pragmatic. His loyalty to Sobchak isn't blind; if you support him in the coming years, I believe he'll return the favor."
Yeltsin pondered for a moment before meeting her eyes again. "Tanya, I'm old now. This plan is primarily for you and your siblings; we can't afford mistakes."
"I understand, Father. But compared to those power-hungry officials within the Kremlin, I believe he's the best choice."
"But…"
"Father, as you said, Simon Westeros has transcended national affiliations. He may be Westeros's puppet but never the U.S. government's puppet. Besides, I believe Westeros was correct in what he said: once this man becomes Russia's president, he'll answer to no one."
"In that case," Yeltsin finally conceded after another brief pause, "appoint him as the deputy director of the Presidential Affairs Department under Borodin's reorganization."
The Presidential Affairs Department acted as the Kremlin's administrative team.
The role wasn't central to Moscow's power structure but was close to the president and held practical authority, making it an ideal position for observation and assessment.
Realizing her father had carefully considered this, Tatyana nodded. "I'll inform Borodin."
Yeltsin watched her leave, then looked back at the dossier he'd perused countless times.
But his mind was elsewhere.
Instead, he was focused on the key point that young man had made.
Loyalty was assured.
Competence was there.
The final question was how to elevate him into the position.
Yeltsin was acutely aware of his precarious position. Winning the recent election had been challenging enough; promoting a successor would be even more difficult.
In the end, he'd likely have to rely on someone else's support.
Where this would ultimately lead was uncertain.
For now, however, survival and safeguarding his family remained the priority.
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