After the thorny domestic problems were temporarily resolved, Andrei finally had the time and the political space to address another problem that could no longer be ignored: the separatist crisis in the allied republics, especially the three Baltic states.
Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia.
The initial response followed the familiar Soviet script. Troops moved swiftly to seize the Vilnius telephone exchange, cutting communications, and then occupied the Lithuanian television building to control public messaging.
On paper, it looked efficient.
In reality, it was a disaster.
Clashes broke out between soldiers and civilians, leaving more than a dozen people dead. The incident, later known as the Vilnius Bloody Night triggered international outrage. Latvia seized the moment and announced the dissolution of Soviet authority on the very day news of the crackdown spread.
Soon after, the Human Wall movement swept across the Baltics. Nearly two million people , men and women, the elderly and children joined hands in mass demonstrations, forming human chains that stretched for kilometers. They blocked roads, surrounded government buildings, and dared the Soviet state to respond with force.
The world watched in disbelief.
Lithuania's population was barely three million, yet almost half openly supported independence. Even if Moscow ordered suppression, would soldiers truly be willing to kill half the population of a allied republic? And even if they did what would remain afterward?
The moment Gorbachev introduced political pluralism, the final thread holding Soviet territorial unity together had already begun to snap.
Despite its vast size, none of the Soviet Union's territory was expendable. The Baltic states were not merely provinces they were a strategic buffer along the Baltic Sea, a forward position against NATO, and a critical lever over Northern Europe. If they left, Andrei would lose far more than land.
Earlier that year, the Singing Revolution had swept Estonia and Latvia, with independence referendums passing by overwhelming margins. Lithuania had already declared unilateral independence. Elsewhere Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Ukraine, Central Asia separatist sentiment was growing, but none matched the urgency of the Baltics.
Officially, the CPSU leadership denied the danger. Gorbachev's proposed Union Treaty had offered republics hope of autonomy, but the Emergency Committee's coup shattered any remaining trust. Estonian leader Arnold Rüütel, upon hearing of Andrei's rise while visiting Finland, quietly began preparations for a government-in-exile.
Andrei briefly considered a military solution , dismissing it just as quickly.
War is a continuation of political helplessness.
He had no moral objections to turning the Baltics into ruins if necessary. But occupying them permanently would drain manpower, money, and legitimacy the Soviet Union could no longer afford. Victory would be expensive; holding it would be worse.
The lesson of Afghanistan still burned fresh. The Americans had learned a similar truth in Iraq: killing an enemy's army was easy; surviving the endless insurgency afterward was not.
Diplomatic pressure offered little comfort. Everyone could see that the Red Bear itself was wobbling.
For that reason, Andrei brought the issue to Defense Minister Dmitry Yazov. Yazov was no theorist—he had commanded real armies. If anyone understood the cost of war, it was him.
Yazov's answer surprised the room.
"War? The current economic situation in the Soviet Union is very unfortunate If we start a war again, I really can't imagine the conciquences, With all due respect, General Secretary Yanayev i advice against lt., " Yazov answered calmly.
Andrei felt an unexpected sense of relief.
That, he thought, is how a defense minister should speak.
But the council erupted.
"How dare you?" Yanayev roared. "Are you suggesting we abandon our comrades in the Baltics to reactionary mobs?"
Secratery Elena followed immediately. "Estonia alone possesses fifteen billion tons of oil shale. It accounts for eighty percent of the Union's total production. Strategically, economically, militarily this is not territory we can afford to lose."
Others nodded. Ryzhkov among them.
"And more importantly," she continued, "how we handle the Baltics will determine how every other republic reacts. If we allow this, it will trigger a chain reaction."
The room fell silent.
" So what's your advice comrade Pugo?" Andrei asked expectantly, he wanted the old guard to support him unilaterally.
The old soviet leader replied,
" The party will follow the general secretary."
(Hmm...) Honestly Anderi was impressed with his cabinet. It was originally made of political compromise, but surprisingly he found many talents.
The choice was his alone. And it would be his first true test as leader.
What irritated him most was the realization that his threats had lost their bite. Intelligence reports confirmed increased CIA funding for Baltic separatists. Bush had not been intimidated at all.
I really thought a warning would scare him, Andrei admitted silently. How naive.
When Iceland and several other American-aligned microstates recognized Baltic independence, the insult was unmistakable—like arriving at a neighbor's wedding dressed more extravagantly than the bride.
A deliberate humiliation.
"This cannot continue," Andrei spoke, " Well Bush I'll accept your challenge. " Then he looked at his cabinet meeting,
"Just wait and watch."
_______________________
On the outskirts of Moscow, a car stopped in front of a crumbling apartment block.
"We're here, Your Excellency," the driver said.
Andrei nodded. "Wait downstairs."
He and Natasha climbed the dim stairwell and stopped before a rusted iron door. Plekhanov knocked.
"Who is it?" A rough voice barked from inside, followed by the sound of something crashing and a stream of curses. It sounded less like a man and more like a trapped animal.
The door creaked open. A disheveled man with bloodshot eyes glared at them.
"I told you, I'll pay in a few days! Get lost."
Natasha calmly produced his KGB identification.
"I'm not here about your debts. You might want to look at who we are."
The man froze. The haze of alcohol vanished instantly.
"I...I'm sorry, mam ..what I said just now—"
"And who exactly was it aimed at?" Andrei interrupted, suddenly switching to fluent Ukrainian. "You're speaking to Natasha Romanoff, head of the KGB Ninth Directorate. Care to repeat yourself?"
Victor went pale.
"I apologize," Victor said quickly, reverting to Russian. "If he's Ninth Bureau, then you must be.."
Andrei stepped past him into the apartment.
"You should read the news more often, Comrade Victor. I'm Andrei. General Secretary of the Soviet Union."
Victor stood rooted in place.
Andrei's eyes swept the room and stopped on the table. His expression tightened briefly at the sight of a MON-50 mine. He quietly covered it with a piece of clothing before turning back.
"I don't care how you got this," Andrei said calmly. "But possession alone is enough to bury you in a cell for life."
He placed a thin KGB file on the table.
"Air Force navigator. Languages institute. Russian, Uzbek, English, Portuguese, French," Andrei read. "Impressive talent, despite an otherwise forgettable record."
Victor stared at him, stunned.
Andrei glanced around the filthy room. "Honestly, when was the last time this place was cleaned?"
Victor snapped to attention, hurriedly clearing space. Andrei sat down.
"I'll be direct," he said. "Are you interested in working for me?"
"Who is this person? He deserves to be interviewed by the general secretary in person. No matter how you look at his resume, he is an ordinary Air Force ground crew." Natasha asked in a low voice. A woman's nature is to be curious, though she knew she shouldn't ask but she asked anyway .
"Oh?" Andrei tilted his head "This guy named Victor Bout is indeed a mediocre guy who can't be more mediocre, no matter how you look at it. But Natasha, you have to remember that the most important thing to look at a person is not what he has done in the past, but what he can do and what he will do in the future."
Natasha simple stared at him with big eyes, Andrei found it cute.
For Andrei, Victor Bout's past is not important, but in the future he has a very special nickname, "Death Merchant". From being engaged in the arms business in 1992 to becoming one of the few arms dealers in the world, in less than ten years, his worth has reached 6 billion pounds. And his deeds were even made into a movie, yes, the "Lord of War" starring Nicolas Cage.
Of course, there is no way to tell Natasha about these things. Since Victor is an excellent businessman, Andrei, who has always been eclectic in hiring people, doesn't mind letting him be in charge of some shady affairs of the Soviet government like black trade.
Victor Bout was also an important part to play in Baltic crisis.
________________
On the second day after the meeting ended, the leaders of the three Baltic countries finally got a response after long waiting.
The Soviet Union expressed that the Genaral Secratary was willing to conduct friendly consultations to jointly discuss the future direction of the joining countries.
Moreover, he also suggested that the venue of the talks be set up in Tallinn, Estonia. This kind of behavior fully shows that he came with peace and friendship. As for whether that means peace or nuclear peace, only Andrei himself knows .
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